Seeds of Realignment of Social and Political Forces in Nepal

- Govinda Neupane


The political course, now, has taken a new turn. The forces of status quo and the forces of change, once again, are in search of new baskets to put them separately.

The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Establishment Faction or MEF) has taken new stand on federalization and system of governance. The structure long advocated by the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) has prevailed. The MEF, NC and UML are on one side and they are advocating for 11 ethnic identity-free federal divisions, non-executive president (however, to satisfy MEF ego, directly elected one), sovereign parliament (jumbo sized), provisional constitutional court (that too cosmetic type with 5 years life), and many other attributes of a parliamentary system. Now, the MEF has overtly expressed its political gender that it is a parliamentary political force fully committed to western values, ideals and system.

The change of ideological stand, political line, strategy, tactic and modus operandi of the MEF has influenced several stake holders. The major forces, which are affected by this change, are the progressive political forces, working class including agrarian workers and poor peasants, oppressed nationalities and marginalized social forces including the Dalits and women. The hopes and aspirations of these people have got severe jolt because of the parliamentary forces mentioned above serving the same wine produced in 1991 in new bottles and with new labels. Content-wise, the base would remain the same and form-wise it will look slightly different. There will be a president in place of the king; there will be 11 provinces in place of 14 zones and a few other things.

Now, it is a big challenge for the forces who have been advocating for substantial to radical change in the society, polity and spread of wellbeing among people. The forces that are still committed to their progressive causes are in a challenging situation. Now, they are at crossroads. They should decide whether they go to reformist path or take the path of radical change. The reformist path has been travelled by the UML and MEF and if the progressive political as well as social forces decide the same path to travel through, it would be futile for them to talk loud. If they are genuinely committed to change the society, then they must go for radical change. The progressive political force is not alone as there are other social forces who are feeling betrayed. Particularly, the oppressed nationalities, suppressed social sections and federalist forces could very much shoulder the responsibility of transforming the Nepali society, politico-social relationships and polity and they could work together for equitable spread of wellbeing including wealth, access, power and opportunities.

The forces representing class politics and identity politics, now, are coming closer as these forces are either exploited or oppressed or both. The same is true for the marginalized sections. The problem is that the class politics is heavily influenced by reformism and the identity politics has been under the influence of northern NGOs and western bi-laterals. The marginalized sections are also heavily infiltrated by the western governmental or non-governmental agencies. Therefore, it is a challenge for them to free themselves from these trends and actors first. If they succeed in freeing themselves from such trends and forces, then they could effectively change the prevailing socio-economic order, which has been standing on a sandy ground.

These progressive forces could create the tempest of movements and could transform Nepali society and the state. These forces may include but not limited to the revolutionary faction of the UCPN (Maoist), oppressed nationalities organized collectively or separately such as Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities, Madhesi parties, Janajati Parties, Dalit associations, women’s associations, etc. The unity among such forces has been seen in the movement to realize identity based federalism in these days. If this unity in action which has attracted even the Janajati and Madhesi Constituent Assembly members of MEF, NC and UML takes institutional form, this broader alliance of exploited class, oppressed nationalities and marginalized social sections may lead the new mass movement, which seems inevitable.

History Repeats Itself: Launching A New Mass Movement in Nepal

- Govinda Neupane

A newly discharged patient from a government hospital reached limping at the office of the ministry of foreign affairs in German capital Berlin and asked the minister to note his dissent that he will not accept the accord between Germany and France as it was too humiliating for Germany, though it effectively ended the First World War. The man was Adolf Hitler, a wounded Corporal of the German army. In his political profession, Hitler was known for all his wrong doings. However, as a protesting solder, who had already contributed liters of his young blood for his country and tried to defend his nation; his role was remarkable.

In retrospection, when I peep into the situation of Nepal in recent past, I feel proud. There were villains at the helm like Gyanendra and Girija. However, there were heroes too and that too in many in numbers. The society was changing and it was changing very fast. The process of societal transformation could be felt and observed vividly. The powerless were busy snatching power, the marginalized were marching to take respectable place in the mainstream and the ever exploited lots were coming out of the shackles of exploitative socio-economic fabrics of the old society. Everything unscientific and outlived was being challenged and scientific and new one was emerging. When the transformational course was on full swing; the people had started to believe that the roses were blooming everywhere around them. Although, they had to pay a high price, they had consolation that there could be a better tomorrow. There was hope and there was hope that was instrumental in making them believing that all their endeavors have worth. Hope was on the air and hope was inside their mind.

After the loss of several thousand lives and properties of billions of Rupees, a new situation was created when the April 2006 mass movement succeeded in taming Gyanendra, the autocratic ruler. In that new situation, the yesteryears' villains put on new furs and projected themselves as heroes. It happened partly due to Gyanendra as he kept them in five star detention facilities that made them 'freedom fighters' without sacrificing anything substantial, and partly due to the Maoist leaders' appetite for power for themselves that made them too accommodative and compromising. The Maoist leaders learnt tricks from the Congress and UML leaders to cheat and steal money from public and governmental coffer and became one among them making corruption as rampant as it could be. On the other side, the Congress and UML leaders sharpened their skills and borrowed courage from the Maoist leaders so as to stage corruption of unprecedented nature and scale. Corruption through change in policy instruments that sounds perfectly legitimate became one of the prime source incomes for them. Inflating the number of PLA fighters at cantonments, increasing the number of CA members to 601, appointing ministers and advisers as many as that could go, are some of such practices. The levy the top leadership got from PLA, CA members and advisors/ministers was their prime source of income which has been amply clear from the financial statements the Maoists, Congress and UML have submitted to Election Commission. The hidden money in the form of commission, bribes etc what they collected is huge. The donation drive from individuals and companies is another area from where large amount of money was snatched. The program funds that were sent to local bodies simply were pocketed by the local leaders and their bosses at national level. Hence, in these post-monarchy five years, the amount looted either from the state coffer or from private source is difficult to estimate.

The never ending power game and ever increasing corruption have impacted heavily negatively in the lives of Nepali people and Nepali nation. The difficulties of people are increasing every day. The price rise, deteriorating law and order and terror created by the anti-social elements under the protection of political forces have added to already existing difficulties of people including managing their lives in a very difficult economic environment. The worst that happened in Nepal is that the people have no HOPE at all. Hopelessness and powerlessness govern the mind of people. From east to west, from north to south, the prevailing majority felling, particularly that of common men and women is that of hopelessness. In leaders, they see the face of villains. The new drive to make new Nepal has been aborted wholly and totally.

Now, it is simply foolish to expect that a bull will deliver a calf. The state is at the verge of collapse, the people are bewildered as their dreams shattered and Gyanendra is there looking at things with all smile. All these three factors add on frustration of people. However, frustration is not the remedy of any problem and here too the people must overcome this frustration. Although they are a few in numbers today, still there are leaders with vision, courage and commitment to cause. They should dare to lead. They may not so strong today; there sustained efforts could make them and their parties champion, credible and large.

There are three forces they could fill the vacuum created by the departure of United Maoists and other forces which were standing with the people in the past. a) The first forces are the communists, particularly who are still struggling against the party apparatus inside the Unified Maoist party – Mohan Baidhya-led platform together with Matrika-led party. b) The second force could be that of democrats who are inside Congress and UML or other parties or independent. They should come together to form a democratic force that would challenge the orthodoxy of the Congress and opportunism of the UML. c) The third force could be the inclusions as well as federalist forces that could uphold progressive agenda as a united front or as an alliance if not as a party.

The Nepali society must not stop transforming itself neither it will. The Nepali nation must not stop advancing itself and Nepali people must not stop dreaming a dream of a new Nepal - the future abode of prosperous, civilized and happy people. Similarly, the progressive, democratic and nationalist political forces also must not stop renewing, reorganizing, rediscovering and reorienting themselves so as to play their historical role of leading the people and nation to new height. They should succeed in providing new direction that makes Nepali people confident, happy and hopeful and that makes Nepal a proud member among the comity of nations.

With all my reservation about Hitler, I referred him at the very first paragraph to communicate some strong sense of responsibility and some sense of urgency though that could be small and insignificant to begin with. We should dare to start our journey from scratches. Let's not follow the Hitler of later years, but recognize his act of boldness when he was neither Fuehrer nor warlord Hitler that time in 1918. We need leaders and parties that may not be necessarily too large and too strong now, but they have the potentials to grow fast with progressive vision and purposeful actions and who dare to start from scratches. A mass movement that could mobilize hundreds of thousands of people only could ensure positive change and could sustain it.

Adivasi and Janajati: Indigenous People and Nationalities in Nepal

Govinda Neupane


There are two words that are used in Nepali more frequently recently. These words are Adivasi and Janajati.

Let's first discuss about Adivasi. They are the original inhabitants of a land mass. They are not immigrants, and if they are, they are the very first settlers of that area. They did everything to make the area inhabitable. Hence, they cleared forests, arranged protection from wild animals and initiated economic activities that included but not limited to hunting and gathering as well as agriculture. They put their energy, skills and resources whatever insignificant it was to develop the very first settlements.

In this way, the Adi Kirats, Magars, Tamangs, Gurungs, Sherpas, Tharus and many other branches of Mongol race are the Adivasis of central and eastern hills of modern Nepal covering the area between Limbuvan in the east and Magarat in the west.

The Aidi Khasas are the Adivasis of Khasan region. The Aidi Khas included present day Matawali Chhetri, Thakuri and Hill Dalits residing in Khasan region till today. The Khasan region covered the hill areas of present day Karnali, Seti and Mahakali zones.

The Tharus moved to several areas in the Tarai as first settlers together with other Madhesis including Yadavs, Rajbanshis, Satars etc. All of them are the Adivasis of southern plains of Nepal.

The Nepar Kirats (originally a branch of Kirats with whom many immigrant groups assimilated afterwards), who were later called Newars, were the first inhabitants of Kathmandu valley. Hence, The Newars are the Adivasis of the valley.

The Sherpas were the first to reside in the Himali region (mountain region) from East to west, and they are the Adivasis of the Himali region.

In brief, Nepal had nine Adivasi regions in ancient times. They were Kirat, Nepal Mandal or Nepaa, Tambasaling or Tamsaling or Tamangsaling, Tamuvan, Magarat, Khasan, Tharuhat (Kapilavastu), Madhes (Mithila) and Himali region. The names of the regions might have not been used during that time as they are mentioned here. Here, the regions are mentioned by these names to know the areas, which were the clusters of certain indigenous people. Hence, Kirat, Newar, Tamang, Magar, Gurung, Tharu, Sherpa/Lama, Aidi Khas, Yadav, Rajbanshi, Satar, etc are the ADIVASIS of Nepal. The list mentioned here is not inclusive of all Adivasis.

In the ancient time neither there was a unified Nepal, nor a single branch of people had a spread that covered the land mass, we call Nepal now. Hence, all inhabitants who had settled or had been roaming around within a certain area of today's Nepal are the Adivasis of Nepal. And, they have every reason to ask for the rights and privileges of indigenous people.

It is interesting to note that the Bahuns, Chhetris and Sanyasis were the immigrants, who came to the Hills from Aryavarta, the Gangetic plains or from Kumao-Gadhwal region. The process started in the 2nd century. They became part of Khas nationality after assimilation of Aidi Khas and these new immigrants. Some, earlier immigrants in the valley like Lichchhivis submerged within the culture of civilized Newars of that time residing in the valley. The assimilation of Lichchhivis into Newar is a good example of this process. Hence, they became part of Newar nationality. The Madhesi sub-nationalities such as Bahuns, Rajputs, Kayasthas were also the immigrants in Madhes and they assimilated within the Madhesi nationality. The immigrant groups such as Bahuns, Chhertis, Rajputs, Kayasthas etc do not belong to indigenous people.

The new immigrants particularly Bahuns, Chhetris and Sanyasis from the Gangetic plains or from Kumao-Gadhwal adopted Khasakura as their language and also converted many Aidi Khasas into Hinduism. Thus, a hybrid nationality originated. This nationality primarily adopted the customs and language of the Aidi Khas, but also included many branches of Bahun, Chhetris and Sanyasis into its fold. Hence, a Khasakura (afterward called Gorkha Bhasa and finally called Nepali) speaking nationality called Khas came into existence.

Some of the branches of Khas who were socially outcaste from the Khas separated from them and developed gradually as a different nationality. Their socio-cultural and psychological state that originated from extreme humiliation, inhuman exploitation and extreme marginalization made them developing as an independent nationality called Dalit.

Regarding Madhesis, there is still debate going on about Tharus. In my opinion, they are part of the larger Madhesi nationality who have a spread from east to west of Tarai. They are the very spinal cord of the Madhesi land mass and they are very much the driving force of the Madhesi nationality. And, if they think that their Tharu identity has nothing to do with Madhesi identity, they could claim as an independent nationality. They should decide on this issue. It is their internal matter to be settled by themselves.

The Tharus emigrated from the hills to Tarai, the Yadavs and many other sub-nationalities of Madhesis emigrated from the Gangetic plains. Neither the Tharus originated in Tarai nor many other Madhesi sub-nationalities. However, they were the very first settlers of Tarai-Madhes and they have every right to claim it.

The Muslims also sometimes consider themselves separate. However, they are religious minorities and not another nationality. They are part of the larger Madhesi family there. However, the Churautes could be classified as "others" as neither they are Madhesi nor Khasa nor Janajati (MangolKirat). They are Muslim by religion but not Madhesi as nationality.

There is lot of debate about the fifth nationality. Many sub-nationalities within this nationality have a long history of inhabitation in the hills. Their spread is between Limbuvan in the east and Magarat in the west. They are several branches of Mongol race. Part of them is Adi Kirats. These two together formed a distinct nationality. Naming them was difficult. Janaklal Sharma was the first to use a common term called MangolKirat to address them. Some scholars named them simply as Kirats and many categorized them as independent nationalities and grouped them as Janajatis together with Newars and some indigenous sub-nationalities of Madhesi including Tharus.

The term Janajati was invented by scholars including Harka Gurung and Krishna Bhattachan when they were in need of finding some common name for people outside of Hindu caste hierarchy. Their interpretation was, "Generally the words Janajati (nationality) and Adivasi (the indigenous people) are used as synonyms. Of course, Janajati is related to social composition and Adivasi has its relation with time period. The word Janajati or Jati refers to the group of people outside of caste system and Adivasis are the ancient inhabitants or the indigenous people." (Gurung et al, Janajati, Janajati Vikash Samanwaya Kendra 1999: 1). Their attempt was for connecting oppressed nationalities and groups together who had been suffering at the hands of caste-Hindu ruling elites. However, now this term Janajati has become interchangeable with Adivasi. Both reflect the characteristics of indigenous people.

I followed Janaklal Sharma and accepted them collectively as MangolKirat nationality. Now, the word Janajati has become irrelevant in the sense that the term Adivasi is being used exclusively for indigenous people. However, the term Janajati is quite popular and is being used by people of MangolKirat nationality affectionately. Therefore, I have been thinking to propose to use the term Janajati that replaces MangolKirat. Hence, there would be two distinct terms - Janajati as nationality (replacing MangolKirat) and Adivasi continuing as usual as the Nepali equivalent for indigenous people.

In summary, Adivasi meaning indigenous people is well accepted. Hence, that is already a settled issue. Regarding nationalities, we have to continue discussions. In my opinion, they are five – Madhesi, Khas, Janajati, Dalit and Newar.

In this case, Janajati would replace the term MangolKirat that I had used in the past. The Newars and some sub-nationalities among Madhesi could be together with Janajati as Adivasi but they will no longer be part of the Janajati nationality.

It also should be noted that the term Dalit is used for a nationality and a community too. When it is used for nationality, in Nepali it is used as Dalit Jati, whereas for community, it is used as Dalit Samudaya. Within Dalit Samudaya (community), there are some sub-nationalities of Madhesi and Newar nationalities too.

Now, it is high time to understand our social composition, dynamics and processes that are continuously creating new reality, establishing new relationships and rejoining the disjointed parts and sections. We should continue endeavors that could dig out our social realities so as to bring harmony in the society and create social infrastructures that support unity in diversity. Being different is our reality, coming together is our strength. Hence, we should understand multiculturalism not only as a social process but also as an important value adding political ingredient that brings transformative actions into play and generates synergy.



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Posted on 05/01/2012

P. S. I got some queries regarding the status of reservation as I have proposed something that would bring new scenario to deal with. I reviewed the lists of Janajatis and Dalits. I propose the following changes.

1. The list of Dalit community is fine. They deserve special rights.

2. The list of Janajati needs three changes. a) Newar is a highly developed nationality. Hence, they have to say "Good Bye" to the reservation provision. b) Matwali Chhetris and a few other similar groups of Khas nationality in Khasan region should be included in the reservation list as they are extremely marginalized. c) The name of the list of the groups that is for reservation should be changed to "List of nationalities and groups qualified for Reservation". In Nepali, it could be calld as "Arakshan Paune Jatigat Samudayaharuko Suchi."

Moreover, In this situation the term Janajati would be completely free to be used exclussively for a nationality. It would replace the term MangolKirat, which I also had used in my previous writings.

Federalism in Nepal: Why and What Type?

Govinda Neupane

When I was finally editing my first book, "Samajik Bikashko Vivechana" (Social Development in Nepal), I realized that there is a great need and urgency to know the composition and characteristics of colorful nationalities in Nepal and the way they could build better social harmony. It was 1999.

I started to prepare notes on nationalities, social compositions, conflicting values and behaviors, and ways and means to address existing discriminations so as to make Nepal a harmonious place to live in.

Once, I even thought of leaving the task of studying, analyzing and determining the nature, number and historical context of different nationalities as it was too complex and too controversial. However, I finally stick to it as I had done some foundation building exercises already. After months of review of literatures available during that time, I prepared three working papers – a) nationalities in Nepal: their composition and standing, b) relationships among them, and, c) superstructure that provides platform for mutually beneficial and harmonious partnership.

I encountered hostile circumstances as many experts, leaders, activists and professionals had highly diverse views on nationalities and many among them were hostile to any superstructure that challenges the one existing that time. A large majority among this crowd was too critical of federalism as they consider that that structure of governance would disintegrate Nepal. They discouraged me saying that that exercise would harm Nepal. I continued my field work for another six months and arrived at a conclusion that the hostile crowd was that of Khasa, the ruling nationality. Many among the leaders of Khasa origin of all major parties were against multiculturalism and federalism.

After a year, I concluded that there were five nationalities in Nepal – Khasa, Madhesi, MangolKirat, Dalit and Newar. I was in two minds about using the term MangolKirat. Many intellectuals among indigenous groups were using the term JANAJATI that included but not limited to MangolKirat. Janak Lal Sharma had first used the term MangolKirat. Harsha Bahadur Budha had used simply the term Kirat that included Magars. In my first draft, I had used Kirat only. However, after consultations with some of the authorities on indigenous people in Nepal including but not limited to Parshuram Tamang, I was convinced that the term MangolKirat better represents that nationality. Although, several advances have been made in researching the nationalities' composition in Nepal, still there is no consensus. It may take some more years or decades, and that is only natural. However, after a decade of that research, I am more convinced that the findings of that research stand correct.

In the past decade, my book, "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Composition and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" has been widely used as reference material for evidences to highlight socio-political discriminations in Nepal. It has got wide recognition in area of study on discrimination of nationalities.

The decade-long Civil War created upheavals in the society. The values, belief systems and practices had to pass through scrutiny. Several old values were discarded, belief systems were challenged and the society had gone through the painful process of initial restructuring. However, the process got stuck when the Maoists entered into a new path that included negotiations, give and take and compromises. When the Maoists changed their strategies, they needed different political traits that had similar value ingredients as that of their new brethren, the Congress and CPN (UML). Hence, the process of societal transformation faced new road blocks as the lead actor disappeared from the scene. Thus, the Maoists became friendlier to status quo and gradually sidelined themselves from exercises that needed confrontation against the creamy layer of the society including the most influential Khasa politico-intellectual fraternity.

Many popular agencies formed and led by oppressed nationalities and their activists either were trapped by the Khasa-led politico-governance mechanism or by the western donors as their projects. Now, on the horizon, there are not many agencies or individuals available who truly represent the dreams of oppressed nationalities. Krishna Bhattachan and a few scholars and activists like him could be seen in the wilderness still defending the cause, still putting their intellectual richness, energy and time to champion the dreams of an egalitarian Nepali society that is free from prejudices and discriminations.

In this context, new breeds of champions of federalism have emerged. They are the yesteryear's die-hard opponents of federalism including the Congress and UML leaders. Many anti-federalism professors and professionals are raising voices in favor of federalism. However, their model of federalism is the second edition of Panchayati geographical set ups of zones or regions. Adding a few cosmetics, they want to reintroduce the same politico-administrative mechanism in the name of federalism.

Why federalism was considered a need in Nepal? The oppressed nationalities had concerns in three primary areas – cultural identity, end of discriminatory practices related to nationalities and equitable access to power, opportunities and resources. To address these concerns, they raised the voice for multiculturalism and federalism. Putting together these two attributes with geography, economic viability and governance, the appropriate federal model could be evolved. However, the new Mullahs of federalism are advocating for splitting the federal units from north to south to suit their interests. Mahendralism or Birendralism with some cosmetics added by Congress-UML-Maoists will not be federalism, if it would not address the core issue of multiculturalism that too with autonomy and the right to self-determination. Moreover, the federalism that has its functional base on co-operation or if it is a cooperative federalism, only that model could absorb the shocks and could provide sound platform for dialogue so as to sustain development, cooperation and harmony.

Now, there is a commission that is tasked with recommending the model. Before any meaningful discussion inside the commission, the coordinator of the commission has started to advocate for Mahendralism or Birendralism. This is another futile exercise that would simply legalize the thoughts, plans and designs of the Khasa leaders. Without addressing the core issue of multiculturalism, any state restructuring exercise would not address the aspirations of oppressed nationalities and thus, could not solve the problem.

Now, the transformational socio-political and economic course has been put in the back burner. It is quite unfortunate. The interests of working classes, oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections should get proper attention and priority. If that will not happen, the radical transformational course would get accelaration, once again, sooner or later. The wise men and women could see it, the average type could sense and the fools have no idea. Irrespective of having any idea or no idea, the radical course correction is inevitable.

Nepal: Disparately Waiting for the End of Darkness

Govinda Neupane


The ‘last’ extension of the term of six months of the constituent assembly has many interpretations. Some of the cartoonists have already sensed that the leaders, who have no credibility and moral obligations to abide by laws, rules and norms would again propose for another ‘final’ term extension after six months as the Supreme Court has used the term ‘last’ and not ‘final’ in its verdict. Some parties have even rejected the jurisdiction of the court in the ‘extension business’, which they consider is their fiefdom. Moreover, some party cadres present in the parliament have asked to impeach the judges for ‘encroaching’ into their politico-legislative territory.


Similarly, the verbal barbs have regularly been exchanged between Prachanda-Baburam Faction (PBF) and Baidya-Badal Faction (BBF) within the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The two line struggle of the present essence and form that had originated from the Chunbang meeting has been polarizing them and has established two de facto Headquarters. The management of the Maoist fighters or rather, in essence, the demobilization, disarmament and rehabilitation of the organized Maoist’s military force could be the last axe that would split the party into two.


The non-Maoist parliamentary forces have downsized their roles as cautious observers. The issues they were championing in the past that included disarmament of Maoist fighters, return of seized property, end of barrack-system of Youth Communist League (YCL) and acceptance of pluralism by the Maoists have been taken over by PBF. When PBF replaced them as the lead parliamentary force, the leaders of the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) have plenty of time to shine their cheeks, dresses and shoes. Hence, now they look as the products of high quality manufacturers. Really, they are the new brand of Nepali leaders - wealthy, healthy and elegant. The Madhesi leaders are neither far away from them nor could they be so. The parliamentary Panchas, organized under a democratic banner called Rastriya Prajatantra Party, could be seen ruminating at one corner of the luxurious balcony. Hence, the fire-fight between PBF and BBF has provided opportunities to relax to the conventional parliamentary forces.


The social forces with several organizations, natures, colours and agenda are making their presence felt through their acts, actions and movements. Among them, the prominent forces include the indigenous people, different nationalities and marginalized sections. Two issues – federalism and rights of their respective constituencies are being debated vigorously.
Some forces including the Kirat Janabadi Workers party, different factions of Tarai Janatantrik Mukti Morcha, Samyukta Jatiya Mukti Morcha, etc are carrying out their social-political activities by being involved in violent means. The Matrika-led Maoists also are in the picture, though with limited visibility.


The foreign forces, particularly India and the United States are busy in pampering PBF so as to complete disarmament of the Maoists fighters. Dismantling the organized formation is what India and the westerners are after. For them everything including human rights, stability, progress and development etc. are non-issues. When the nonperforming constituent assembly got extension, the Secretary General of the United Nations pours flowers on them. Non-performance is being rewarded. What nonsense!
In such background as briefly discussed as above, the fundamental challenges that include societal transformation and structural rearrangement have been out of sight and they are no longer considered as priority issues.


The gains, which the people had made during the transformative period of civil war, are in question in regard to their sustainability. Poverty, illiteracy, social inequalities and marginalization have been continuing, as if they are part and parcel of Nepali life.


When the PBF came to power with some mysterious arrangement with Madhesi forces, there was some sort of euphoria. Baburam had an untarnished image, further shined by his academic brilliance. He was one of the last available leaders of high stature. When he became Prime minister, during that time people had high hopes and expectations from him. In the course of reaching to power and staying there for a longer period of time, he sacrificed most part of his political and intellectual assets. This phenomenon thickened the darkness. And, the frustration among ordinary people contributed to further hopelessness. Now, the political process has lost its way and nobody knows where it reaches to.


Lawlessness and anarchy are the twins that govern everything in Nepal. Criminals have a field day. Criminalization of politics or rather politicization of crime is a course that has been accepted as normal as sun coming out from the east every morning. For two grams of gold, women are being murdered. Small children are continuously being abducted in want of ransom and several of them have been murdered. Nepal has been witnessing hundreds of events that make commoners very sad.


The complex and fluid situation, which is full of anarchy, lawlessness, corruption, and many more negative phenomenon has been called ‘transition’. It is full of darkness. Nobody knows how and when this darkness ends. There are not many alternatives or alternative forces that could generate hope among people. The BBF together with social forces such as indigenous nationalities has the potential to develop as an alternative. However, they too are behaving like a talking club. In strategic sense, yes, the darkness will end; but right now it is too gloomy to see the end of the tunnel. One most probable course could be an unpredictable one – spontaneous uprising of people, the Nepal Spring.

Nepal in Transition: Short Euphoria, Long Journey

- Govinda Neupane

Formation of the new Unified Maoist-led government has created hype among intelligentsia in Kathmandu. A large majority of them dislikes Unified Maoist but likes Prime Minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. It is strange but true. Dr. Bhattarai has been considered a genius for a long time. The support available for him is primarily based on his background, particularly his academic records and his tax collection ability during his tenure as Finance Minister. After being the Prime Minister, he has taken some steps, though cosmetic in nature but quite popular among the intelligentsia. These steps include the Mustang Jeep, lunch at Sigh Durbar cafeteria, announcement of a few relief measures etc. Individuals could play important roles. However, an individual could not transform a society. The politics they represent makes the difference. Hence, leaving him alone here, I like to explore probable course of Nepali politics.

The Unified Maoist got the opportunity to lead the government, second time. The first Unified Maoist-led government is known for selling dreams of all-round transformation and buying political compost to nurture parliamentary sapling inside the party. Prachanda's government never seriously concentrated in any real issues, rather he was spreading everywhere. He sounded a man in hurry.. During that time, his control over the party was intact as he was still the superhero of the revolution. Gradually, he demystified himself. His party also contributed to demystify him. The Unified Maoist party tried to look communist to its base and democratic to its new found galaxy. The new galaxy of parliamentary fame incorporated it with some serious pre-conditions. The pre-conditions included that the Unified Maoist had to renounce violence, disband their fighting force, which they call PLA, revert to old societal structure in economic relationships by surrendering the land they seized during insurgency, and finally accept pluralism in all sphere of socio-political values, systems and practices. Gradually, the party opened its doors to individuals, groups and smaller parties to get a majority to meet the conditions put forward by the great galaxy of parliamentary fame. The leadership used two types of fodders to feed its cadres and supporting grassroots on one side of the divide and to convince its new national and international friends on the other side. The first was a basket of anti-India rhetoric and strikes, including the suicidal 'indefinite general strike' and several industrial closures. It helped the party to maintain the revolutionary posture. The second was accepting "made in India" political course more indirectly and attending to meet the pre-conditions as mentioned above. The first course helped to soften, deform and disband the hard core revolutionaries gradually and the second course broadened the acceptance among new national and international friends like Nepali Congress, Unified Marxist-Leninist, India, Europe and America.

Now, inside the Unified Maoist party, the line struggle has centered on demobilization of the PLA either through integration with Nepal army or by rehabilitating them in the society. The leaders are fighting, the cadres are joining them and the public at large are watching the fight with bewilderment and skepticism. The side the Unified Maoist camel will sit is already clear. The majority will go for demobilization as this is a major condition put forward by the parliamentary forces together with India, America and Europe to fully submerge itself into the democratic world. The course of minority led by Kiran-Badal combine is not clear. The minority leadership has not made public any specific tactical or strategic line till date. Anyway, the new government formed over a sandy foundation may continue till it implements "made in India" political course.

The old parliamentary political parties will sit in opposition and utilize any available opportunity to create more pressure on their new Unified Maoist friends to meet the conditions as soon as possible. They also will continue to harvest financial benefits and other opportunities as far as possible. Happy India could use its new found financial muscle to accomplish the task of PLA demobilization by supporting to offer an attractive package or also may provide finances to fund infrastructure projects, though in a cosmetic way. We could even see the development that followed the merger of Sikkim with India. The western countries may throw their hats on the ring. Scandinavian countries, particularly Norway may provide finances as it could project Nepal as its success story in its peace initiatives. It may compensate its failure in Sri Lanka. The Americans, though they are in difficulty in managing bread for themselves, may throw a few million dollars by printing money as they always do as one of the most undisciplined nation in the world. Hence, we could have a euphoric environment exactly similar to the post-1990 days. During that time, we were waiting for a giant Russian cargo plane that could bring Singapore to Nepal. The Prime Minister of that time had promised to make Nepal Singapore in no time. That did not happen that time, nor will this happen this time.

More than 1400 people sacrificed their lives either in establishing a new order or protecting the existing socio-political order. However, what we achieved?

The grassroots is more aware of their conditions, prospects and the hostilities that surround them. The social hierarchy has started to crumble down. The social power structure in the society has got changed drastically. The mouths are open. The spirit has been reinvented. The sense of power has empowered the previously marginalized and economically oppressed. The women are not only dreaming equality but also demanding to bring it into practice. The oppressed nationalities have come forward and are asking for greater access to opportunities and are striving hard for establishing their shining identities in a federal Nepal. The monarchy is gone. These are remarkable achievements. However, when we compare our achievements with that of other nations, sadness governs our thought processes. Poverty, illiteracy, ill health, oppression, marginalization etc continue to challenge our conscience.

A large percentage of people are still surviving under extreme poverty. The progress what we have attained has been grabbed by a tiny minority mostly composed of the upper middle class and urban elites. Inequalities exist in their extreme. Hence, the society has changed in incremental term, but is the same in structural term. The structures of the old society have started to crumble. However, they are very much dominant even today. Hence, there is the need of transformational ideals, actions and arrangements.

But, how the process moves ahead that addresses the need after such a major setback? The Maoist (not Unified Maoist) left the course at the middle of the journey. Yes, there is scarcity but it is still not a situation of disastrous famine. Be they minority inside the Unified Maoist or some new entities to take the lead; the endeavors that once the Maoist initiated, championed and developed would continue.

The euphoria originated due to the formation of new Unified Maoist-led government will be over sooner than later. The new endeavors will take shape and different organized forces would emerge. The new heroes will appear. And, the class confrontation will continue till a fundamentally different society comes into existence and a new progressive state power is established. The oppressed nationalities will continue their struggle to meeting their aspirations that will help them getting greater access and shinning identity. The Dalits will never sit idle till their emancipation is attained. The people have no option other than to continue their forward march. We took rest for about five years; it is time to start a long journey, once again.

A Cursory Look on Political Developments in Nepal

Govinda Neupane

Even after a long and painful waiting period of more than four years, the Nepali people could not see rays of hope and the mile stone where the transition ends. Frustration has become the talking agenda for a large majority. The leaders are busy building the personal empire and ensuring luxury and comfort for them. The people are seeing the leaders and their notorious acts and have become speechless. They, particularly the disciplined cadres, who still cherish the dream of a new Nepal, have been slowly recovering from their own disbeliefs. The most revered leaders and most loved party headquarters have moved 360 degree in all areas encompassing ideology, politics, tactic, strategy and practice. This phenomenon is more true to the cadres and supporters of Unified Communist party of Nepal (Maoist). The change, there, is phenomenal.

Now, it is important to have a cursory look of the political developments, particularly reviewing the developments of recent past so as to have some glimpses of the future.

The 12-point agreement between the Maoist and the parliamentary parties had created new expectations. The Nepalese people were waiting to get rid of many difficulties. Although, the people’s movement of April 2006 succeeded in electing the constituent assembly and abolishing the monarchy, but the new ruling elites utterly failed in generating hope among the people. They talked loudly about the birth of a New Nepal, but that Nepal was neither moving towards peace nor stability nor prosperity.

The Maoist people’s war was naturally violent. During the war, they not only practised armed transformational course of the society, but also imparted skills on the use of weapons, build strong attitudes towards organized attempts to attain goals and generated hope among people that a shiny new day is closer to their lives. So, the expectations had been created aggressively. The failure in materializing the expectation resulted to the emergence of several armed groups.

The parliamentary parties were accustomed to lethargy, cynicism, brinkmanship and greed. They were in a state of rotten potatoes. Simply, they were involved in certain regular rituals, which could be constructed as ‘peaceful struggle’ at times of need. They lined up at the opportune moment together with the Maoists and with India and are continuously harvesting benefits.

The king was an outdated autocrat, who was not only extremely unpopular but also was a useless brat who did not know even the basics of governance. Naturally, the monarchy accumulated all negatives at one point of time and initiated its own downfall.

The anti-monarchy role India played at that particular moment was critically important. India was unhappy with the monarchy as the monarchy was considered as anti-India, historically.

Hence, the Maoists with the strength of people’s power moved ahead in collaboration with the parliamentary political parties as these parties had certain degree of legitimacy on their side. Both of them together joined hands with India to overthrow the autocratic monarchy. India also represented the western power centres. Finally, they formed a coalition to overthrow the monarchy and they succeeded to accomplish that goal.

The days after the success of the movement, brought some honeymoon between the changing Maoists and the parliamentary political parties. They formed an interim government, drafted an interim constitution, organized election for the constituent assembly, abolished monarchy legally, formed government under the Maoists’ leadership and gave some impression that things will move to right direction and a New Nepal could be there sooner. But, that did not happen. The Unified Maoists failed miserably in all fronts, which could initiate radical change in the society. Hence, the Unified Maoist-led government collapsed. The UML-led spineless governments were no different.

After a few years of the success of the mass movement, the scenario got drastically changed. There is all-round frustration. There are tensions in the society. There are clashes of interests. The contradictions between and among nationalities is one particular feature of serious concern. The constitution drafting is facing serious roadblocks and the nature of federalism is one among them.

In political front, there are three forces in full play.

The first camp is that of regressive forces. The former monarch is the de facto leader of this camp. The regressive forces are not that well organized in form but have tremendous power in substance. They are thinly spread within political parties, bureaucracy, army, police, intelligence networks, so-called civil society groups and so on. They sometimes cover themselves as nationalists, in some other occasion as anti-federalists and in some other times present them as Hindu zealots. They sound sometimes as peace preachers and sometimes as human rights defenders. So, they are omnipresent. They work on the basis of issues and try everything to create obstacles in the advancement of the society in all its attributes – values, ethics, beliefs, attitudes, progress etc. These dark forces play skilfully and create platforms where the forces of reform and the forces of transformation clash among and between themselves. These regressive forces have played vital role in maintaining the.

The second camp is composed of reformists. They are in a difficult situation as their cadre base is composed of idealist change activists and their leadership represent the interests of semi- reactionary or reactionary classes. Many among leaders who are at the helm of the political organizations in this camp are overtly foreigner’s darlings. They talk loud to pacify their cadres, to blindfold common people and to camouflage themselves. Hence, this force, which is at the centre stage of the state power, is a coalition of progressive bottom and part-regressive top. The Nepali Congress, UML and Unified Maoist Establishment Platform (UMEP) belong to this reformist camp.

The third camp is that of transformational forces. The Mohan Baidya-led Maoist platform, Matrika Yadav-led Maoists, Mani Thapa-led Maoists etc belong to this camp. There are others also such as Kirat Janabadi Workers Party in this camp. They are in a state of setback and are again rearranging raw jute threads to make a rope. Hence, they are, at this point of time, creeping babies in the sense of their organizational strength. Still, they could turn into a formidable force anytime soon as there are plenty of raw materials available for them to process.

The regressive forces were the regressive forces in the past too (prior to 2006). The transformational forces were the transformational forces in the past too. Among the reformist forces, the Nepali Congress and the UML were the reformist forces in the past too. Hence, there is only one entity that got changed is the Unified Maoist’s establishment platform (UMEP). All other forces except the UMEP have been travelling following their stated roadmaps. They are predictable. However, the political behaviours of the UMEP are most unpredictable. This platform swings to all directions and climbs up and down in no time without any understandable reasons. Hence, the UMEP has been instrumental in making and breaking promises, structures and functions. It is primarily responsible for what has been happening today in Nepal. Understanding this reality is no less than attaining half of the solutions of the problems the country and the people are facing.

The sudden change of the politics of the UMEP made the process of societal change gloomy and messy. The state and society have every right to ask UMEP to behave according to their newly acquired political philosophy. The transformational forces also should recognize the fact that they are fundamentally different and should take their course accordingly. When, the roles would be clear, the mess will start getting cleared. The clarification of their roles automatically clears the ways for political alliances based on their ideological affinity and class base. Gradually, the thick fog would disappear and the road ahead will be visible to drive to.