Nepal: Disparately Waiting for the End of Darkness

Govinda Neupane


The ‘last’ extension of the term of six months of the constituent assembly has many interpretations. Some of the cartoonists have already sensed that the leaders, who have no credibility and moral obligations to abide by laws, rules and norms would again propose for another ‘final’ term extension after six months as the Supreme Court has used the term ‘last’ and not ‘final’ in its verdict. Some parties have even rejected the jurisdiction of the court in the ‘extension business’, which they consider is their fiefdom. Moreover, some party cadres present in the parliament have asked to impeach the judges for ‘encroaching’ into their politico-legislative territory.


Similarly, the verbal barbs have regularly been exchanged between Prachanda-Baburam Faction (PBF) and Baidya-Badal Faction (BBF) within the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The two line struggle of the present essence and form that had originated from the Chunbang meeting has been polarizing them and has established two de facto Headquarters. The management of the Maoist fighters or rather, in essence, the demobilization, disarmament and rehabilitation of the organized Maoist’s military force could be the last axe that would split the party into two.


The non-Maoist parliamentary forces have downsized their roles as cautious observers. The issues they were championing in the past that included disarmament of Maoist fighters, return of seized property, end of barrack-system of Youth Communist League (YCL) and acceptance of pluralism by the Maoists have been taken over by PBF. When PBF replaced them as the lead parliamentary force, the leaders of the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) have plenty of time to shine their cheeks, dresses and shoes. Hence, now they look as the products of high quality manufacturers. Really, they are the new brand of Nepali leaders - wealthy, healthy and elegant. The Madhesi leaders are neither far away from them nor could they be so. The parliamentary Panchas, organized under a democratic banner called Rastriya Prajatantra Party, could be seen ruminating at one corner of the luxurious balcony. Hence, the fire-fight between PBF and BBF has provided opportunities to relax to the conventional parliamentary forces.


The social forces with several organizations, natures, colours and agenda are making their presence felt through their acts, actions and movements. Among them, the prominent forces include the indigenous people, different nationalities and marginalized sections. Two issues – federalism and rights of their respective constituencies are being debated vigorously.
Some forces including the Kirat Janabadi Workers party, different factions of Tarai Janatantrik Mukti Morcha, Samyukta Jatiya Mukti Morcha, etc are carrying out their social-political activities by being involved in violent means. The Matrika-led Maoists also are in the picture, though with limited visibility.


The foreign forces, particularly India and the United States are busy in pampering PBF so as to complete disarmament of the Maoists fighters. Dismantling the organized formation is what India and the westerners are after. For them everything including human rights, stability, progress and development etc. are non-issues. When the nonperforming constituent assembly got extension, the Secretary General of the United Nations pours flowers on them. Non-performance is being rewarded. What nonsense!
In such background as briefly discussed as above, the fundamental challenges that include societal transformation and structural rearrangement have been out of sight and they are no longer considered as priority issues.


The gains, which the people had made during the transformative period of civil war, are in question in regard to their sustainability. Poverty, illiteracy, social inequalities and marginalization have been continuing, as if they are part and parcel of Nepali life.


When the PBF came to power with some mysterious arrangement with Madhesi forces, there was some sort of euphoria. Baburam had an untarnished image, further shined by his academic brilliance. He was one of the last available leaders of high stature. When he became Prime minister, during that time people had high hopes and expectations from him. In the course of reaching to power and staying there for a longer period of time, he sacrificed most part of his political and intellectual assets. This phenomenon thickened the darkness. And, the frustration among ordinary people contributed to further hopelessness. Now, the political process has lost its way and nobody knows where it reaches to.


Lawlessness and anarchy are the twins that govern everything in Nepal. Criminals have a field day. Criminalization of politics or rather politicization of crime is a course that has been accepted as normal as sun coming out from the east every morning. For two grams of gold, women are being murdered. Small children are continuously being abducted in want of ransom and several of them have been murdered. Nepal has been witnessing hundreds of events that make commoners very sad.


The complex and fluid situation, which is full of anarchy, lawlessness, corruption, and many more negative phenomenon has been called ‘transition’. It is full of darkness. Nobody knows how and when this darkness ends. There are not many alternatives or alternative forces that could generate hope among people. The BBF together with social forces such as indigenous nationalities has the potential to develop as an alternative. However, they too are behaving like a talking club. In strategic sense, yes, the darkness will end; but right now it is too gloomy to see the end of the tunnel. One most probable course could be an unpredictable one – spontaneous uprising of people, the Nepal Spring.