- Govinda Neupane
In Nepal, unemployment of people from every stratum has been increased. When the ceasefire came into effect, not only the Maoist and government armies have been staying away from fighting, perhaps, their political leaderships also got no meaningful jobs. Therefore, they have been busy staging political dramas. It is strange that till today they have not been able to start any sorts of meaningful peace negotiations; rather they are spending time in teasing and testing each other. Perhaps, they were tired and thought to refresh a bit by organizing series of roundtables in a festive environment. These roundtables, at least, kept their workers, media persons, 'civil society' chieftains and several hundred onlookers busy. This became some sorts of political orchestra and the people participated in enthusiastically. Therefore, the negotiation exercises became no less than colorful Jatras (traditional public shows full of entertainment with a mix of singing, dancing and drumming).
Everybody, with a minimum information base and a critical approach knew that the serious issues are that of the monarchy and management of arms. After wasting several months of precious time, they have now discovered these critical areas. It is understandable that the seven party alliance is superficial and halo; but the Maoist leadership, who claims as the student of logic and objectivity did not behave differently.
As far as the process of negotiation is in review; this is all messy. Nobody knows who is negotiating with whom? In the country, there are two functional governance mechanisms (de facto governments). Are these two governance mechanisms involved in the process of negotiation? Looking at the initial phase, it sounded like that as there were two teams representing two governing sides. Either they did nothing or the ambition among the galaxy of leaders derailed the process. The big leaders themselves sounded in hurry to entertain each other. They even organized seven party "plus" 'summit meetings'. And, this "plus" was the Maoist side, as if that was just the eighth party. This was nothing other than messing up of the negotiation process.
The crux of the problem is the unification of governance mechanisms and transformation of the Nepalese state and society. How that could be done? The seven political parties are behaving as if they can increase the size of their playground by insulting the monarchy locally and by defaming the Maoists internationally. Their whole game plan has two ingredients - retain the monarchy but throw as much mud over it as possible to fool the public at large, and implement the guiding policies of the regional and international power centers to prevent Maoists coming to power. Many among these parties are suffering from infantile disorders and relieve at public places making the environment difficult to breathe. They are happy throwing propaganda tantrums, rather than behaving as serious negotiators. Sometimes, even a weakest link among these leaders presents himself or herself as a state onto himself or herself. Such mind set and such game plan may provide some entertainment, but will certainly fail to resolve the conflict, forget about transforming the state and society.
On the other side, the Maoist leadership also is being infected from the infantile disorders of the seven parties. In fact, they had to start the negotiation with the government not as a political party, but as a governing political entity, which could be "People's Government" or "United Political Consultative Council" or "State Council" or something like that whatever they call for their de facto government. And, they should sit on the other side of the negotiating table as equals. But, they came as a political party, and were busy intermingling with the seven parties forgetting, perhaps, their place, role, strength and nature. They should be negotiating with the government as another governing mechanism, which has effective control over entire Village Nepal and has strong presence in towns and cities. But, they came as comrade-in-arms of the seven parties. This is their strategic weakness, if they do not have eggs in other baskets than what they have put for auction. Such weakness may lead to differences of opinion on tactical course and political line and may contribute to divisions and splits among their own ranks. It would be most unfortunate, if they will have division or even split at this critical juncture. They should know that that is the mission of the regional and international power centers.
The self-proclaimed Messiahs of peace in Kathmandu propagate that the United Nations could contribute effectively to establish peace in Nepal. Even some of them advocate handing over the administration to the UN. Either this is the result of bankruptcy of ideas or they are paid agents of big powers. In essence, the United Nations is run by a well known superpower politically and by the bureaucrats administratively. Therefore, expecting major contribution in resolving the political conflict with the help of the UN is nothing more than a mirage. The UN could be helpful as a humanitarian actor or as a development partner. Its facilitation role has serious limitations in resolving the conflict that has its origin in class contradiction. In fact, the power to resolve the conflict is not outside. One has to see inside the Nepalese boundary for solutions. That could be resolved either negotiating with each other or fighting against each other. Both, political or military solutions are within the reach of the two governing entities existing in Nepal at this particular time. When the course of negotiation has been selected, perhaps, negotiated solution could be attained by approaching through several different processes. Among many such probable processes, one process has been proposed below.
1) Stop Baluwatar Jatras. Stop the 'summits' and super meetings. Clean up the mess. Go one step backward and start afresh.
2) Recognize that there are two governing mechanisms. If you could not say two governments on technical ground simply give any other name. Accept both mechanisms Headquartered at Singh durbar and at Sisne-Jaljala as equals. Form two official teams representing two respective Headquarters. The teams should be that of authorized negotiators not that of spineless messengers as it has been done now. Do not tarnish the images of your own leaders and cadres by giving them responsibility without authority.
3) Take the bull by horn. Make three agenda - monarchy, management of arms and election of the constituent assembly. If the teams fail to resolve the issue of monarchy, that too could be referred to the constituent assembly by keeping it under suspended animation. Similarly, if the management of arms becomes an obstacle, then keep both the armies inside their barracks. Form a strong, powerful and well equipped election commission and keep both armies under its control till to the date of first meeting of the duly elected constituent assembly. The major strategic issues would be decided by the people's representatives, particularly elected for the constituent assembly to design a political system, to restructure the state, to insert values and visions and to ensure transformation of the society by giving reflection of the desired reality in the new constitution. Therefore, rather than wasting time on strategic issues, it would be better to agree on the process, procedure and date of the election and constituting an all powerful election commission.
4) Form an interim government by bringing representatives from both sides to assist in the process of election and to run the day-to-day administration till the constituent assembly appoints a new government to run the business. That government formed by the constituent assembly would continue up to the time that a new constitution is ready and the new elected government is in place. The new constitution would address the tactical and strategic issues that may include but not limited to amalgamation of two armies and two governing mechanisms and restructuring the state and society.
If both sides are serious to resolve the political conflict democratically, organizing election of the constituent assembly should get prime importance. The recommendation made by the government to constitute a new election commission is nothing more than an unhelpful attempt, which could spoil the environment. Moreover, it heralds the mind set of the government and its insensitivity and lack of seriousness towards the historic election. Both the governance mechanisms, the one Headquartered at Singh durbar and the other, Headquartered at Sisne-Jaljala, should refrain from creating new problems. Also, they should stay away from trying to occupy the space and discharge the roles of the constituent assembly. And, for this reason, they should get rid of infantile disorders. Most importantly, they should negotiate meaningfully to organize the election peacefully, where people could exercise their voting right without any kind of threat.
October 20, 2006
Sunday, October 22, 2006
Thursday, October 12, 2006
Global Extremism, Bloodsheds, Destructions and a Ray of Hope
- Govinda Neupane
The world politics has entered into a complex phase. Ethics and values have been disappearing. The lust for power has overshadowed major socio-political and economic issues. Strangely, religious, political or any other type of extremism has been playing the role of a driving force. The pseudo-religious Messiahs and elected or self-made emperors, who proclaim themselves as super democrats, have been littering the world. These litterbugs are responsible for unimaginable miseries, large-scale destructions and colossal loss of precious human lives.
The al-Qaida terror network took refuge on Islam to advance its mission of taking revenge against the west, particularly against the most arrogant supper power, the United States of America. The al-Qaida's Islamic fundamentalism got befitting reply from equally blind, intolerant and hegemonic political fundamentalism of the US ruling clique led by Bush and Cheney. These two fundamentalisms are fighting fiercely against each other as two giant mad elephants. As a result, the nations and peoples around the world including America and the American people are suffering immensely. Iraq and Afghanistan have been paying the price dearly. Killings have become routine acts in these two countries. Nobody has time to sensibly reflect on the loss of thousands of human lives. Afghanistan has been suffering due to the role played by the religious barbarians called Taliban and al-Qaida, whereas Iraq has been slaughtered by the political barbarians, who are residing on the seats of power in Washington and London. These two types of barbarians together have made the world difficult to live in. They have not only been manufacturing fear, insecurity and hatred but also are exporting these emotions to several other countries, communities and peoples.
By learning from these masters, the South Asian jungle cats also have been repeating the same exercises. Pakistan could not sleep a single night peacefully if that day it failed to harm India. Moreover, India could not sleep, eat or breathe if it failed to hurt Pakistan. India, even the so-called cultured and informed media-India, brings out from its archive the Pakistan-haters like Parthasarathi and Dixit and provokes them to spill out some liters of venom from their stock. When North Korea tested nuclear device, Parthasarathi was busy spilling venom against China and Pakistan. India has been progressing in many areas except in politics, governance, equity and social justice. Particularly, India has failed miserably in making its mainstream politicians and high level bureaucrats cultured, judicious and ethical. The same applies to Pakistan. In the media, without any need or reason they parade General Gul, the former boss of ISI and the illegitimate father of the Taliban. Perhaps, he is one among the most arrogant individuals still residing in Pakistan.
In Korean peninsula, the cousins are busy bringing doomsday for both of them, now with the destructive power of nuclear arsenal, either developed locally or gifted by Uncle Sam. The US, super evil of the region, has been presiding over the destruction of either side of the 38 parallel. The extreme political and military position of the North has increased the dependence of the South on the US for its survival. The political extreme of the North on one side, and supper arrogance and power blindness of the US on the other have destabilized the entire north-eastern Asian region. Unable to play with such extremes; China, Japan, Russia and South Korea are facing a situation of bewilderment.
In the middle-east, the Israeli hegemony and Islamic fundamentalist responses are responsible for the killing of thousands of people and destruction of invaluable infrastructure and property. The Arab fundamentalists instigate Arabs to throw stones or to fire a few bullets targeting Israelis. In return, Israel kills them. The west, particularly the US, supports these killings. Perhaps, they consider that these Arabs are born to be killed by the Israeli bullets and bombs. Probably, each and every Muslim is a terrorist or a would-be terrorist on the eyes of the rulers in the west. Therefore, they pamper Israel and even provoke it sometime. This is the process that started in 1948 and is still continuing. Now, most probably the west is going to open a new battlefield by launching war against Iran. The US has given license to itself to attack and finish any regime, which it considers terrorist or dictatorial or producer of weapons of mass distraction. It has also included in the license the provision that it should not be held responsible for any of its acts whatsoever. Therefore, it may launch a full scale attack against Iran provided that it escapes the unforeseen counter offensive strategies and actions of the Iraqi nationalists, Saddam loyalists and al-Qaida operatives there.
The US and India are pushing Pakistan hard to do more on anti-terror front. Thus, they are interfering in each and every activity of Pakistan. Sometimes, they instigate their Afghan foster child called Karzai to throw verbal barbs against Pakistan. The US marginalized North Korea so much that it retaliated with the explosion of nuclear device. Similarly, expecting too much from Pakistan will create a scenario when hard-line pro-Islamists within the military leadership would stage a coup d'état and start threatening India. Alternatively, the anti-America and anti-India popular sentiment in Pakistan could provide fertile ground for al-Qaida to build access to and gain control over Pakistani nuclear arsenal. In such situation, the US and India, both, may move resolutions at the United Nations condemning al-Qaida. In fact, the United Nations neither has any tooth nor credibility nor capacity to deal with major political conflicts. Contrary to such nonsense, al-Qaida would be planning to drop some nuclear bombs over Diego Garcia targeting American bases. Also, it may direct the nuclear missile launchers to target several Indian cities. This could be a probable scenario provided that al-Qaida gets access to or hold over Pakistani nuclear arsenal. But, the political extremists in Washington and New Delhi will not go by logics; they simply succumb to their emotions. This has been amply clear when America attacked Iraq without any compelling reason and India goes to US or UK to plead its case against Pakistan. They fail to understand the simple fact that it is neither Pakistan nor Iraq nor Iran, but the enraged Muslims all over the world are committing all sorts of extremist acts against them. If the Americans contribute meaningfully to solve middle-eastern problem and the Indians sit together with the Kashmiris and Pakistanis to find out a just solution, the attacks against them shall come down significantly.
The extreme political positions have affected even the most peaceful, civilized and tolerant part of the globe - the Scandinavian region. The Danish cartoon controversy is an example. It is also affecting the media. The CNN's highly biased Iraq reporting and Indian television channels' anti-Pakistan rhetoric are a few examples.
Now, the peace-loving peoples and nations around the world should come forward in an unimaginable number to voice their opposition to extremism of any type or form. Particularly, the people in the US should send back the preachers and practitioners of the rightist political adventurism to the ranch in Texas or to the chambers at Halliburton. Similarly, the warmongers like Blairs, Howards and their political cousins should test the bitter pills of political wilderness. Among the South Asian hawks, the rightist radicals of the Indian Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party and Pakistani fundamentalists such as the religio-political lots in the Muthahida Majlish-e-Amal should get slap on their faces at the hands of the electorates of their respective countries. The people of Saudi Arabia should rise and overthrow the Wahabi fundamentalist rulers, who provide resources and export raw materials of fundamentalism, finally to be processed by al-Qaida and Taliban. Therefore, rather than hunting Osama bin Laden in the rugged mountain terrains somewhere either side of the boarder between Pakistan and Afghanistan, the war against terror should be launched at its source, whether that supplies fundamentalist ideology or resources for it. If and when the Wahabi Saudi rulers are tamed, the breeding ground of Islamic fundamentalism - the politically motivated Madarshas around the world will die a natural death. Osama bin Laden would be unemployed when politically motivated Madarshas disappear, injustices against Muslim peoples, regions and nations stops and logic prevails. This will greatly contribute to ease the tension in the middle-east, Kashmir and Chechnya.
A nuclear North Korea is a new reality and it would be wise to accommodate it within the so-called nuclear club of nations. When India and Pakistan could join the club, why not North Korea? If wisdom prevails, North Korea should act responsibly and should commit not to proliferate. The rest of the world, particularly the hawkish US, should be tolerant and accommodative.
The people around the world are more aware that the political or religious fundamentalists are the worst culprits. This great enlightenment guarantees the triumph of tranquility and would contribute for the defeat of the enemy of world peace. The downward journey of the fundamentalists has already begun. It could be seen in the public opinion polls in America where Republicans are fast loosing ground. Similarly, the third force, once again, is gaining strength in India. South Koreans are pleading for restrain. Blair is looking outside standing at the gate of 10-Downing Street to start his march towards political wilderness. Pakistan has felt the heat of al-Qaida's resurgence and aggression and is devising strategies to fight against it. Russia has been stabilizing. Mainland Europe is rediscovering its balancing role. China has been contributing to cooling down the heat. And, the middle-east, once again, has been getting serious attention due to heroic deeds of Lebanese, Iraqi and Palestinian fighters, whoever they may be - revolutionaries, terrorists, nationalists, Islamists, loyalists or ordinary men and women on the street. The fundamentalists have already scaled their heights and are climbing down fast. Their bullfights would be over. Certainly, the world would shine one fine morning and the people could smile.
October 12, 2006
The world politics has entered into a complex phase. Ethics and values have been disappearing. The lust for power has overshadowed major socio-political and economic issues. Strangely, religious, political or any other type of extremism has been playing the role of a driving force. The pseudo-religious Messiahs and elected or self-made emperors, who proclaim themselves as super democrats, have been littering the world. These litterbugs are responsible for unimaginable miseries, large-scale destructions and colossal loss of precious human lives.
The al-Qaida terror network took refuge on Islam to advance its mission of taking revenge against the west, particularly against the most arrogant supper power, the United States of America. The al-Qaida's Islamic fundamentalism got befitting reply from equally blind, intolerant and hegemonic political fundamentalism of the US ruling clique led by Bush and Cheney. These two fundamentalisms are fighting fiercely against each other as two giant mad elephants. As a result, the nations and peoples around the world including America and the American people are suffering immensely. Iraq and Afghanistan have been paying the price dearly. Killings have become routine acts in these two countries. Nobody has time to sensibly reflect on the loss of thousands of human lives. Afghanistan has been suffering due to the role played by the religious barbarians called Taliban and al-Qaida, whereas Iraq has been slaughtered by the political barbarians, who are residing on the seats of power in Washington and London. These two types of barbarians together have made the world difficult to live in. They have not only been manufacturing fear, insecurity and hatred but also are exporting these emotions to several other countries, communities and peoples.
By learning from these masters, the South Asian jungle cats also have been repeating the same exercises. Pakistan could not sleep a single night peacefully if that day it failed to harm India. Moreover, India could not sleep, eat or breathe if it failed to hurt Pakistan. India, even the so-called cultured and informed media-India, brings out from its archive the Pakistan-haters like Parthasarathi and Dixit and provokes them to spill out some liters of venom from their stock. When North Korea tested nuclear device, Parthasarathi was busy spilling venom against China and Pakistan. India has been progressing in many areas except in politics, governance, equity and social justice. Particularly, India has failed miserably in making its mainstream politicians and high level bureaucrats cultured, judicious and ethical. The same applies to Pakistan. In the media, without any need or reason they parade General Gul, the former boss of ISI and the illegitimate father of the Taliban. Perhaps, he is one among the most arrogant individuals still residing in Pakistan.
In Korean peninsula, the cousins are busy bringing doomsday for both of them, now with the destructive power of nuclear arsenal, either developed locally or gifted by Uncle Sam. The US, super evil of the region, has been presiding over the destruction of either side of the 38 parallel. The extreme political and military position of the North has increased the dependence of the South on the US for its survival. The political extreme of the North on one side, and supper arrogance and power blindness of the US on the other have destabilized the entire north-eastern Asian region. Unable to play with such extremes; China, Japan, Russia and South Korea are facing a situation of bewilderment.
In the middle-east, the Israeli hegemony and Islamic fundamentalist responses are responsible for the killing of thousands of people and destruction of invaluable infrastructure and property. The Arab fundamentalists instigate Arabs to throw stones or to fire a few bullets targeting Israelis. In return, Israel kills them. The west, particularly the US, supports these killings. Perhaps, they consider that these Arabs are born to be killed by the Israeli bullets and bombs. Probably, each and every Muslim is a terrorist or a would-be terrorist on the eyes of the rulers in the west. Therefore, they pamper Israel and even provoke it sometime. This is the process that started in 1948 and is still continuing. Now, most probably the west is going to open a new battlefield by launching war against Iran. The US has given license to itself to attack and finish any regime, which it considers terrorist or dictatorial or producer of weapons of mass distraction. It has also included in the license the provision that it should not be held responsible for any of its acts whatsoever. Therefore, it may launch a full scale attack against Iran provided that it escapes the unforeseen counter offensive strategies and actions of the Iraqi nationalists, Saddam loyalists and al-Qaida operatives there.
The US and India are pushing Pakistan hard to do more on anti-terror front. Thus, they are interfering in each and every activity of Pakistan. Sometimes, they instigate their Afghan foster child called Karzai to throw verbal barbs against Pakistan. The US marginalized North Korea so much that it retaliated with the explosion of nuclear device. Similarly, expecting too much from Pakistan will create a scenario when hard-line pro-Islamists within the military leadership would stage a coup d'état and start threatening India. Alternatively, the anti-America and anti-India popular sentiment in Pakistan could provide fertile ground for al-Qaida to build access to and gain control over Pakistani nuclear arsenal. In such situation, the US and India, both, may move resolutions at the United Nations condemning al-Qaida. In fact, the United Nations neither has any tooth nor credibility nor capacity to deal with major political conflicts. Contrary to such nonsense, al-Qaida would be planning to drop some nuclear bombs over Diego Garcia targeting American bases. Also, it may direct the nuclear missile launchers to target several Indian cities. This could be a probable scenario provided that al-Qaida gets access to or hold over Pakistani nuclear arsenal. But, the political extremists in Washington and New Delhi will not go by logics; they simply succumb to their emotions. This has been amply clear when America attacked Iraq without any compelling reason and India goes to US or UK to plead its case against Pakistan. They fail to understand the simple fact that it is neither Pakistan nor Iraq nor Iran, but the enraged Muslims all over the world are committing all sorts of extremist acts against them. If the Americans contribute meaningfully to solve middle-eastern problem and the Indians sit together with the Kashmiris and Pakistanis to find out a just solution, the attacks against them shall come down significantly.
The extreme political positions have affected even the most peaceful, civilized and tolerant part of the globe - the Scandinavian region. The Danish cartoon controversy is an example. It is also affecting the media. The CNN's highly biased Iraq reporting and Indian television channels' anti-Pakistan rhetoric are a few examples.
Now, the peace-loving peoples and nations around the world should come forward in an unimaginable number to voice their opposition to extremism of any type or form. Particularly, the people in the US should send back the preachers and practitioners of the rightist political adventurism to the ranch in Texas or to the chambers at Halliburton. Similarly, the warmongers like Blairs, Howards and their political cousins should test the bitter pills of political wilderness. Among the South Asian hawks, the rightist radicals of the Indian Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party and Pakistani fundamentalists such as the religio-political lots in the Muthahida Majlish-e-Amal should get slap on their faces at the hands of the electorates of their respective countries. The people of Saudi Arabia should rise and overthrow the Wahabi fundamentalist rulers, who provide resources and export raw materials of fundamentalism, finally to be processed by al-Qaida and Taliban. Therefore, rather than hunting Osama bin Laden in the rugged mountain terrains somewhere either side of the boarder between Pakistan and Afghanistan, the war against terror should be launched at its source, whether that supplies fundamentalist ideology or resources for it. If and when the Wahabi Saudi rulers are tamed, the breeding ground of Islamic fundamentalism - the politically motivated Madarshas around the world will die a natural death. Osama bin Laden would be unemployed when politically motivated Madarshas disappear, injustices against Muslim peoples, regions and nations stops and logic prevails. This will greatly contribute to ease the tension in the middle-east, Kashmir and Chechnya.
A nuclear North Korea is a new reality and it would be wise to accommodate it within the so-called nuclear club of nations. When India and Pakistan could join the club, why not North Korea? If wisdom prevails, North Korea should act responsibly and should commit not to proliferate. The rest of the world, particularly the hawkish US, should be tolerant and accommodative.
The people around the world are more aware that the political or religious fundamentalists are the worst culprits. This great enlightenment guarantees the triumph of tranquility and would contribute for the defeat of the enemy of world peace. The downward journey of the fundamentalists has already begun. It could be seen in the public opinion polls in America where Republicans are fast loosing ground. Similarly, the third force, once again, is gaining strength in India. South Koreans are pleading for restrain. Blair is looking outside standing at the gate of 10-Downing Street to start his march towards political wilderness. Pakistan has felt the heat of al-Qaida's resurgence and aggression and is devising strategies to fight against it. Russia has been stabilizing. Mainland Europe is rediscovering its balancing role. China has been contributing to cooling down the heat. And, the middle-east, once again, has been getting serious attention due to heroic deeds of Lebanese, Iraqi and Palestinian fighters, whoever they may be - revolutionaries, terrorists, nationalists, Islamists, loyalists or ordinary men and women on the street. The fundamentalists have already scaled their heights and are climbing down fast. Their bullfights would be over. Certainly, the world would shine one fine morning and the people could smile.
October 12, 2006
Monday, September 25, 2006
Nationalities: Some Explanations
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply sent on August 15, 2006 to a Nepali scholar who resides in Tokyo. He is an expert on development policies. After reading my book, "The Nationalities Question in Nepal", he sent me an email in which he had commented on - a) theme of my research, b) cause(s) behind Khas progress - deliberate policy of state or structural factors within the system and/or historical dynamics, and c) reactive and ad-hoc set of solutions including federalism and multiple national languages, which may create confusion and complications. I have posted my reply here after minor editing. Also, I have taken out personal references.)
1. Core theme of my studies: I particularly concentrate on grassroots social transformation. For this reason, I have to work on political philosophy, structure, cultural traits and community behaviors, economic life and current affairs. "Khas vs. Janajati" (I consciously do not use the term "Janajati" for such analysis) or in reality, "Khas vs. oppressed nationalities" could be one of many sub-themes, I work on.
2. Inclusion as expansion of freedom: The entire world is moving fast towards integration. I am in favor of this process. I value freedom. Therefore, I believe that integration should be voluntary. In fact, freedom diminishes the desire for resistance and ultimately increases synergy for integration voluntarily. When I was just beginning the research for my second book, which you read, I was in the process of understanding something that could expand the scope of freedom at grassroots level - at the level of village Nepal. After going through the process of enquiry at local and national level, I realized that multiculturalism and federalism could ensure better social harmony, may provide productive political space and could expand freedom through inclusion and partnership.
3. Multiple languages: I believe that after 100 years, most probably, Nepali itself may not be a functional language, let's forget about languages of several numerically smaller nationalities. I have written on this issue in my first book - Social Development in Nepal or Samajik Bikashko Vibechana. Strategically, I am in favor of one international language and, most probably, that could be English. In this age of information and global village, it would not be helpful to mix cultural or national pride with languages. It may sound contradictory, but I am in favor of freedom in the use of languages particularly at local and regional levels. If Nepali language dies one day after completing its historic role, I will not feel bad as I, myself, am one among the participants who have been contributing voluntarily in its dying process (example includes writing this mail in English). In the same way, the other nationalities too should get the opportunity to contribute voluntarily to help their languages getting places in the history books. In the process of enquiry, I found several people feel they would be different if they could use their languages. Let them experiment with the truth. For me, this is freedom and this is their right.
4. Khas domination: Khas domination in every sphere of societal and national life has been proved beyond doubt. Khasas and their hold over state power primarily made all the differences. This was nothing casual or spontaneous. This was deliberate and systematic. I stand by my research on the issue of Khas domination as presented in my book - "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" (www.neupaneg.com).
5. Creating confusion and complication: I have received many feedbacks similar to your concern. It has been widely believed that rather than solving the problem such proposals may contribute for chaos, conflicts and disintegration. Contrary to this popular belief, I have found the people intelligent and they know their destiny individually and collectively. Nobody, who is intelligent and knows where he or she should aim to reach, will bring misery for himself or herself. Yes, there could be some negative consequences for some time in some areas with some nationalities, but that may not be a general trend. I agree with you that if the issue would be over politicized, it may create problem.
(This is my reply sent on August 15, 2006 to a Nepali scholar who resides in Tokyo. He is an expert on development policies. After reading my book, "The Nationalities Question in Nepal", he sent me an email in which he had commented on - a) theme of my research, b) cause(s) behind Khas progress - deliberate policy of state or structural factors within the system and/or historical dynamics, and c) reactive and ad-hoc set of solutions including federalism and multiple national languages, which may create confusion and complications. I have posted my reply here after minor editing. Also, I have taken out personal references.)
1. Core theme of my studies: I particularly concentrate on grassroots social transformation. For this reason, I have to work on political philosophy, structure, cultural traits and community behaviors, economic life and current affairs. "Khas vs. Janajati" (I consciously do not use the term "Janajati" for such analysis) or in reality, "Khas vs. oppressed nationalities" could be one of many sub-themes, I work on.
2. Inclusion as expansion of freedom: The entire world is moving fast towards integration. I am in favor of this process. I value freedom. Therefore, I believe that integration should be voluntary. In fact, freedom diminishes the desire for resistance and ultimately increases synergy for integration voluntarily. When I was just beginning the research for my second book, which you read, I was in the process of understanding something that could expand the scope of freedom at grassroots level - at the level of village Nepal. After going through the process of enquiry at local and national level, I realized that multiculturalism and federalism could ensure better social harmony, may provide productive political space and could expand freedom through inclusion and partnership.
3. Multiple languages: I believe that after 100 years, most probably, Nepali itself may not be a functional language, let's forget about languages of several numerically smaller nationalities. I have written on this issue in my first book - Social Development in Nepal or Samajik Bikashko Vibechana. Strategically, I am in favor of one international language and, most probably, that could be English. In this age of information and global village, it would not be helpful to mix cultural or national pride with languages. It may sound contradictory, but I am in favor of freedom in the use of languages particularly at local and regional levels. If Nepali language dies one day after completing its historic role, I will not feel bad as I, myself, am one among the participants who have been contributing voluntarily in its dying process (example includes writing this mail in English). In the same way, the other nationalities too should get the opportunity to contribute voluntarily to help their languages getting places in the history books. In the process of enquiry, I found several people feel they would be different if they could use their languages. Let them experiment with the truth. For me, this is freedom and this is their right.
4. Khas domination: Khas domination in every sphere of societal and national life has been proved beyond doubt. Khasas and their hold over state power primarily made all the differences. This was nothing casual or spontaneous. This was deliberate and systematic. I stand by my research on the issue of Khas domination as presented in my book - "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" (www.neupaneg.com).
5. Creating confusion and complication: I have received many feedbacks similar to your concern. It has been widely believed that rather than solving the problem such proposals may contribute for chaos, conflicts and disintegration. Contrary to this popular belief, I have found the people intelligent and they know their destiny individually and collectively. Nobody, who is intelligent and knows where he or she should aim to reach, will bring misery for himself or herself. Yes, there could be some negative consequences for some time in some areas with some nationalities, but that may not be a general trend. I agree with you that if the issue would be over politicized, it may create problem.
Sunday, September 17, 2006
Restoration of Peace in Nepal: Some Issues
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply to a friend. The reply was sent on September 12, 2006. Only a few sentences related to personal references have been edited.)
1. Political fluidity and Constituent Assembly (CA) election - The political situation in the country is fluid. All political forces are passing through a phase of transition in regard to their future roles. The king is still on life support system. In other words, he is in hibernation and will try to bounce back, if and when he will have opportunity. Nepali Congress has started to play some sort of accommodative role. If all political forces agree to its agenda and endeavor, there could be peace but socio-political stagnation would obstruct the process of transformation, particularly at grassroots level. Edward Muller (please read his thought provoking article in American Sociological Review, vol. 53, Issue 1, - 1998) argues that in a society where there is extreme poverty, democracy may not be successful. He recommends that in such societies, rule of a strong party may be necessary to create favorable situation by narrowing down the economic gap. He puts Singapore as an example. It is only natural to expect democracy functioning as its socio-political and economic fundamentals allow. In such situation Congress' liberal democracy (democratic socialism?) may not lead us to functioning democracy. UML is playing, most of the time (or always?), the role of a flying object. It understands politics as its profit making business and practices game of convenience to enhance its entrepreneurial objective by flying this side today and that side tomorrow. Its communism is a strange animal that has no shape, size or characteristics. It is regrettable that such a large political organization is in such an ideological and political mess. The Maoists have contributed to build a radical force that could be mobilized to create sound basis for a functioning democracy. When I use the term "radical force", I refer to the militant masses. Primarily, they are the participants of the "Spring Thunder 2006" in Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal. Nurturing this mass and creating a socio-economic and political situation where they can play the most important role in the affairs of state and society may be the basis for a vibrant democracy. The CA election could be the new beginning to that endeavor.
2. Arms management - We should see why the Maoists took arms? If it is for building a strong political force or forces and critical mass to transform the society and state, then that objective has not been achieved. Talking peace is nothing new to any political force. Most important is to examine the viability of that statement. The Maoist leadership may be under tremendous pressure from its cadres to take a more pragmatic line on the issues of arms when there is monarchy still breathing, the same army leadership is intact or even emboldened, foreign pressure on Nepali Congress and UML to part company with the Maoists has been growing and uncertainty over the future political course is continuing. As I had mentioned in my previous email to you that the best course could be to keep the Maoist army with their weapons in temporary barracks. I think that that would be the viable option till the CA poll is not over.
3. Renouncing violence: This could be the desire of all of us, but how that option could be materialized. This is not as simple as many intellectuals believe. For them, when the
Maoist leadership declares that they renounced violence, the violence would end there. The Maoist leadership would remain stronger only to that date till they stay predictable. They raised the arms stating that they will transform the society, and without giving an alternative strategy to further the cause peacefully, they may not call it off. CA election could bring such opportunity to state that the peaceful strategy might come into play.
4. Maoists and SPA relation: SPA is a temporary united front created to fight against the totalitarian regime of the king. When the monarchy disappears as a power or as an institution, the arrangement looses its relevance. The same is applicable to the relation between the SPA and Maoists. And, in a multiparty framework that is normal and natural. Unnatural is all party governance (in absence of legal opposition as in the case of Nepal now). Therefore, ruling party or alliances and opposition parties or alliances should play their respective roles to safeguard the interest of the people and nation. Shaking hands between SPA and Maoists for a cause, such as creating an environment and a framework for vibrant democracy through constituent assembly is understandable. For this purpose, to share the responsibilities by coming together in an interim arrangement is also understandable. But making legal opposition irrelevant (such as the role of Rastriya Prajatantra Party in parliament today and probably many others tomorrow) is harmful for democracy. This was the major issue that many communist parties failed to understand. As a result, they had to see set backs all over the world. Therefore, in my opinion, pluralism even today in a transitional arrangement makes perfect sense. Moreover, pluralistic political arrangements and behaviors may contribute to have a sound foundation for democracy in Nepal. Let's not create 'unity' at the costs of pluralistic political practices.
5. Your arguments: I respect your feelings and desire to stop fighting and start building the nation. I could only add that stopping fighting and building the nation are part of a larger socio-economic and political process. Emotionally I am with you, but as a political analyst, I have to travel through the path of realism as far as my understanding of the objective situation directs me to travel to.
(This is my reply to a friend. The reply was sent on September 12, 2006. Only a few sentences related to personal references have been edited.)
1. Political fluidity and Constituent Assembly (CA) election - The political situation in the country is fluid. All political forces are passing through a phase of transition in regard to their future roles. The king is still on life support system. In other words, he is in hibernation and will try to bounce back, if and when he will have opportunity. Nepali Congress has started to play some sort of accommodative role. If all political forces agree to its agenda and endeavor, there could be peace but socio-political stagnation would obstruct the process of transformation, particularly at grassroots level. Edward Muller (please read his thought provoking article in American Sociological Review, vol. 53, Issue 1, - 1998) argues that in a society where there is extreme poverty, democracy may not be successful. He recommends that in such societies, rule of a strong party may be necessary to create favorable situation by narrowing down the economic gap. He puts Singapore as an example. It is only natural to expect democracy functioning as its socio-political and economic fundamentals allow. In such situation Congress' liberal democracy (democratic socialism?) may not lead us to functioning democracy. UML is playing, most of the time (or always?), the role of a flying object. It understands politics as its profit making business and practices game of convenience to enhance its entrepreneurial objective by flying this side today and that side tomorrow. Its communism is a strange animal that has no shape, size or characteristics. It is regrettable that such a large political organization is in such an ideological and political mess. The Maoists have contributed to build a radical force that could be mobilized to create sound basis for a functioning democracy. When I use the term "radical force", I refer to the militant masses. Primarily, they are the participants of the "Spring Thunder 2006" in Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal. Nurturing this mass and creating a socio-economic and political situation where they can play the most important role in the affairs of state and society may be the basis for a vibrant democracy. The CA election could be the new beginning to that endeavor.
2. Arms management - We should see why the Maoists took arms? If it is for building a strong political force or forces and critical mass to transform the society and state, then that objective has not been achieved. Talking peace is nothing new to any political force. Most important is to examine the viability of that statement. The Maoist leadership may be under tremendous pressure from its cadres to take a more pragmatic line on the issues of arms when there is monarchy still breathing, the same army leadership is intact or even emboldened, foreign pressure on Nepali Congress and UML to part company with the Maoists has been growing and uncertainty over the future political course is continuing. As I had mentioned in my previous email to you that the best course could be to keep the Maoist army with their weapons in temporary barracks. I think that that would be the viable option till the CA poll is not over.
3. Renouncing violence: This could be the desire of all of us, but how that option could be materialized. This is not as simple as many intellectuals believe. For them, when the
Maoist leadership declares that they renounced violence, the violence would end there. The Maoist leadership would remain stronger only to that date till they stay predictable. They raised the arms stating that they will transform the society, and without giving an alternative strategy to further the cause peacefully, they may not call it off. CA election could bring such opportunity to state that the peaceful strategy might come into play.
4. Maoists and SPA relation: SPA is a temporary united front created to fight against the totalitarian regime of the king. When the monarchy disappears as a power or as an institution, the arrangement looses its relevance. The same is applicable to the relation between the SPA and Maoists. And, in a multiparty framework that is normal and natural. Unnatural is all party governance (in absence of legal opposition as in the case of Nepal now). Therefore, ruling party or alliances and opposition parties or alliances should play their respective roles to safeguard the interest of the people and nation. Shaking hands between SPA and Maoists for a cause, such as creating an environment and a framework for vibrant democracy through constituent assembly is understandable. For this purpose, to share the responsibilities by coming together in an interim arrangement is also understandable. But making legal opposition irrelevant (such as the role of Rastriya Prajatantra Party in parliament today and probably many others tomorrow) is harmful for democracy. This was the major issue that many communist parties failed to understand. As a result, they had to see set backs all over the world. Therefore, in my opinion, pluralism even today in a transitional arrangement makes perfect sense. Moreover, pluralistic political arrangements and behaviors may contribute to have a sound foundation for democracy in Nepal. Let's not create 'unity' at the costs of pluralistic political practices.
5. Your arguments: I respect your feelings and desire to stop fighting and start building the nation. I could only add that stopping fighting and building the nation are part of a larger socio-economic and political process. Emotionally I am with you, but as a political analyst, I have to travel through the path of realism as far as my understanding of the objective situation directs me to travel to.
Sunday, September 10, 2006
A Brief Note on Political Parties
- Govinda Neupane
In the fourth century, during the time of Roman Empire, in Roman senate there were two groups or the parties in their crude form. They were the Patricians and Plebeians representing the interests of the noble families and the merchants respectively. This was the beginning of the class-oriented collective political behavior. For centuries, such process continued in different form. But, the more visible organized attempt was seen during the evolution phase of young Italian republics during the 14th and 15th centuries. The Guelphs and the Ghibellines were present in almost all the Italian city-states. The Guelph represented the merchants and the Ghibelline was the organization of the feudal class. Although, these organizations did not last long, they created a base for the emergence of new parties. During the 17th and 18th century, several political parties came into existence in Europe and America. In Britain, the Whigs (pro-strong parliament) and Tories (pro-strong monarchy) were formed within a period of 10 years between 1678 and 1688. The Jacobins (radical reformers), Codeliers and Girondists appeared in France during the revolution of 1789. In America, the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans came into existence in 1787 and 1796 respectively. After the publication of the German edition of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" in 1872 (the first edition of the menifesto was published in London in February, 1948), the parties with socialist orientation appeared. The German Social Democratic Party established in 1875 was one among them. Although, its program was heavily criticized by Karl Marx himself, this event and its program ignited the philosophical debate profoundly. As a result, the Communist Party of Germany came into existence in 1918. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was formed in 1898, which was renamed as Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) in 1918 and again its name was changed to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of Great Britain was established in 1920. Indian National Congress was one of the oldest parties in Asia established in 1885. In China, Kuomintang was established in 1912. In 1921, the Communist Party of China and in 1925, the Communist Party of India came into existence.
In Nepal, several parties appeared during the anti-Rana popular movement which started from 1932. Several attempts to establish some kind of the political formations gave birth to Prachanda Gorkha, Praja Parishad, Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress before 1947. Finally, the Nepali Congress was formed in 1949 by merging Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress. The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949. The prominent Nepalese political parties represented three types of interests. From 1951 to 1960, the Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad represented the interest of feudalism and its political institutions. The Nepali Congress represented the interest of rich farmers, bourgeoisies, creamy layer of the intelligentsia, and youths of the upper and middle classes. In theory, the Communist Party propounded the idea of defending the class interests of workers, peasants (middle, poor, agricultural laborers). But in practical sense, the party was dominated by higher middle class and primarily represented the interests of petty bourgeoisies and patriotic section of intelligentsia. From 1961 to 1990, Panchayat replaced Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad and others remained the same. After 1990, Rastriya Prajatantra Party replaced Panchayat and the Communist Party groups divided into three divisions – the centrist, who call themselves as communists (e.g. UML), the leftist, who are a mixture of progressive democrats and communists (e.g. Mashal-Ekta Kendra) and the radical communists (e.g. Maoists).
Rastriya Prajatantra Party is quite transparent in its ideological stand. It has been acting predictably. The party is not the victim of duality. Nepali congress also has not suffered that much as it functions as a loose network of interests of upper and middle classes. The party does not move around any ideology, though for the consumption of masses and for international image-making, it covers itself with an ideological flag called socialism. Its socialism is open for interpretation for everybody to any meaning, scope and extent. The party has adopted some sorts of ultra liberalism. Therefore, it has no compulsions to finding out any pretensions. The centrist under the trade mark of the communists are in difficulties. Duality of ideology, programs, values, words and actions is what they prefer to practice. When a party cadre working in a turpentine factory at Nepalgunj comes to visit Balkhu, they invent life size pictures of Marx and Mao. But, when an ambassador of a hyper-power comes to visit there for some counseling, even the smaller posters of Marx and Mao go inside a safe deposit vault. For the short term, they can enjoy the benefit of the art of creating illusion (political hypnotism), but on the long run, they are the most vulnerable political artistes. They do not have independent class base as they share the same base with Nepali Congress. The center left groups, who also cover themselves by a brand name of communists, are the continuation of the communist party of yesteryears. They are a coalition of class interests of lower and middle classes. They have future as a front organization, but not as a political party. The Maoists, basically, are the communists ideologically, politically and organizationally.
The picture what is seen in Nepal primarily refers to the fight between the forces of status quo and the forces of change. Change not only that of the system of governance, but also the foundation of multiple relationships within a society. The social contract between different forces of production has been going through the process of reexamination. The emergence of a set of contracts based on equity and justice are drawing attention. In the rural areas, the very foundation of feudalism and its social contract reflected in the values, practices, belief systems and norms have been shaken. The domination of feudal politics, culture and economy is in the verge of collapse. Now, several types of transitional arrangements have come up. Today, the needs are to refining and standardizing those arrangements into a comprehensive governance mechanism and to implementing the same at macro level. As long as discrimination on the ground of nationality, gender, caste and class would continue; the equitable, just and prosperous society would remain a distant dream.
Whether they were the Roman Patricians and Plebeians or Italian Guelphs and Ghibellines or Chinese Kuomintang and Communist, they had been in a grand fight against each other, unprecedented in their respective societies. They fought in all areas - philosophy, politics, culture and progress of their societies. Most of the time, they made history by venturing into brand new paths. They gave expression to prevailing contradictions of their societies. They were the class organizations of the highest level. Today, there are hundreds of political parties. They share broadly the same type of the platform as the parties mentioned above occupied. The process of organized behavior of different political forces has been increasing every passing year. Not only the number of the political parties has increased but the scope of their influence has been expanded tremendously. All the political parties have been collectively protecting their class interests. Some of them have contributed positively by playing a progressive role towards the socio-economic and political dynamics of the society whereas some others are the masters of regression. The same is true to Nepal.
January 10, 2006
In the fourth century, during the time of Roman Empire, in Roman senate there were two groups or the parties in their crude form. They were the Patricians and Plebeians representing the interests of the noble families and the merchants respectively. This was the beginning of the class-oriented collective political behavior. For centuries, such process continued in different form. But, the more visible organized attempt was seen during the evolution phase of young Italian republics during the 14th and 15th centuries. The Guelphs and the Ghibellines were present in almost all the Italian city-states. The Guelph represented the merchants and the Ghibelline was the organization of the feudal class. Although, these organizations did not last long, they created a base for the emergence of new parties. During the 17th and 18th century, several political parties came into existence in Europe and America. In Britain, the Whigs (pro-strong parliament) and Tories (pro-strong monarchy) were formed within a period of 10 years between 1678 and 1688. The Jacobins (radical reformers), Codeliers and Girondists appeared in France during the revolution of 1789. In America, the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans came into existence in 1787 and 1796 respectively. After the publication of the German edition of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" in 1872 (the first edition of the menifesto was published in London in February, 1948), the parties with socialist orientation appeared. The German Social Democratic Party established in 1875 was one among them. Although, its program was heavily criticized by Karl Marx himself, this event and its program ignited the philosophical debate profoundly. As a result, the Communist Party of Germany came into existence in 1918. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was formed in 1898, which was renamed as Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) in 1918 and again its name was changed to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of Great Britain was established in 1920. Indian National Congress was one of the oldest parties in Asia established in 1885. In China, Kuomintang was established in 1912. In 1921, the Communist Party of China and in 1925, the Communist Party of India came into existence.
In Nepal, several parties appeared during the anti-Rana popular movement which started from 1932. Several attempts to establish some kind of the political formations gave birth to Prachanda Gorkha, Praja Parishad, Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress before 1947. Finally, the Nepali Congress was formed in 1949 by merging Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress. The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949. The prominent Nepalese political parties represented three types of interests. From 1951 to 1960, the Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad represented the interest of feudalism and its political institutions. The Nepali Congress represented the interest of rich farmers, bourgeoisies, creamy layer of the intelligentsia, and youths of the upper and middle classes. In theory, the Communist Party propounded the idea of defending the class interests of workers, peasants (middle, poor, agricultural laborers). But in practical sense, the party was dominated by higher middle class and primarily represented the interests of petty bourgeoisies and patriotic section of intelligentsia. From 1961 to 1990, Panchayat replaced Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad and others remained the same. After 1990, Rastriya Prajatantra Party replaced Panchayat and the Communist Party groups divided into three divisions – the centrist, who call themselves as communists (e.g. UML), the leftist, who are a mixture of progressive democrats and communists (e.g. Mashal-Ekta Kendra) and the radical communists (e.g. Maoists).
Rastriya Prajatantra Party is quite transparent in its ideological stand. It has been acting predictably. The party is not the victim of duality. Nepali congress also has not suffered that much as it functions as a loose network of interests of upper and middle classes. The party does not move around any ideology, though for the consumption of masses and for international image-making, it covers itself with an ideological flag called socialism. Its socialism is open for interpretation for everybody to any meaning, scope and extent. The party has adopted some sorts of ultra liberalism. Therefore, it has no compulsions to finding out any pretensions. The centrist under the trade mark of the communists are in difficulties. Duality of ideology, programs, values, words and actions is what they prefer to practice. When a party cadre working in a turpentine factory at Nepalgunj comes to visit Balkhu, they invent life size pictures of Marx and Mao. But, when an ambassador of a hyper-power comes to visit there for some counseling, even the smaller posters of Marx and Mao go inside a safe deposit vault. For the short term, they can enjoy the benefit of the art of creating illusion (political hypnotism), but on the long run, they are the most vulnerable political artistes. They do not have independent class base as they share the same base with Nepali Congress. The center left groups, who also cover themselves by a brand name of communists, are the continuation of the communist party of yesteryears. They are a coalition of class interests of lower and middle classes. They have future as a front organization, but not as a political party. The Maoists, basically, are the communists ideologically, politically and organizationally.
The picture what is seen in Nepal primarily refers to the fight between the forces of status quo and the forces of change. Change not only that of the system of governance, but also the foundation of multiple relationships within a society. The social contract between different forces of production has been going through the process of reexamination. The emergence of a set of contracts based on equity and justice are drawing attention. In the rural areas, the very foundation of feudalism and its social contract reflected in the values, practices, belief systems and norms have been shaken. The domination of feudal politics, culture and economy is in the verge of collapse. Now, several types of transitional arrangements have come up. Today, the needs are to refining and standardizing those arrangements into a comprehensive governance mechanism and to implementing the same at macro level. As long as discrimination on the ground of nationality, gender, caste and class would continue; the equitable, just and prosperous society would remain a distant dream.
Whether they were the Roman Patricians and Plebeians or Italian Guelphs and Ghibellines or Chinese Kuomintang and Communist, they had been in a grand fight against each other, unprecedented in their respective societies. They fought in all areas - philosophy, politics, culture and progress of their societies. Most of the time, they made history by venturing into brand new paths. They gave expression to prevailing contradictions of their societies. They were the class organizations of the highest level. Today, there are hundreds of political parties. They share broadly the same type of the platform as the parties mentioned above occupied. The process of organized behavior of different political forces has been increasing every passing year. Not only the number of the political parties has increased but the scope of their influence has been expanded tremendously. All the political parties have been collectively protecting their class interests. Some of them have contributed positively by playing a progressive role towards the socio-economic and political dynamics of the society whereas some others are the masters of regression. The same is true to Nepal.
January 10, 2006
Wednesday, September 06, 2006
Nepal Reality Check - II: Regression Discharged from ICU
- Govinda Neupane
The euphoria of "Spring Thunder - 2006" has been gradually dissipating. For this process, several factors contributed. Among them the prominent factors included political amateurism and opportunism, incompetent governance, indifference of state functionaries, middle class hunger and greed, misuse of youthful energy and courage, politicization of 'civil society' and influence of foreign forces.
1. Immediately after the conclusion of the movement, the politicians of the parliamentary school promised that they will bring heaven to Nepal soon. The reinstated parliament was super active in selling cosmetics that included making the king powerless (but not abolishing the monarchy!). Their 'Magna Carta' covered many insignificant issues, which had nothing to do with the grassroots socio-political change. They simply took the path of populism that had its foundation on amateurism and opportunism. The political parties, which belonged to the parliamentary school are running the government and are opposing the government at the same time. For them, politics is the game of convenience. A friend of mine J. D. Baidya, who headed the Nepal Jaycees long time ago, says, "I am not a political thinker nor I have the insights of politics. But as a layman, all I can say is that the present miserable state of Nepal is because of visionless, mindless and incompetent parasites acting as political leaders." The conclusion of such an informed citizen is self-explanatory.
2. The demands of any section of people might be legitimate, but due to other obligations, the state may not be able to meet such demands. It is strange that the government in power in Nepal does not know its obligations neither it has any specific priority. The government bows down when a crowd of even10-12 persons comes with a wish list. Thus, it has contributed to strengthen the platform for anarchy. A government without a mission, without a priority and without any obligation to adhering to laws, rules and programs only can bring misery to its people. The same is happening today. The government is not only incompetent in creating positive environment to resolve the political conflict but also it failed in basics, such as providing security to its citizens. The robbers and thieves have a field-day even in the capital city.
3. The ethics and morality were alien for most of the state functionaries since the inception of their functions. Now, the fear factor also has gone away from their mind. Corruption has been continuing as an acceptable cultural practice. For most of government employees, non-performance is what they get the salary for, and to perform they need extra payment from the receiver of services. For a long time, it was believed that the police have been collaborating with the criminals, but in recent days, the frequency and quality of their participation has increased tremendously. The policemen linked with the recent robberies in the capital are a few examples. The state functionaries, particularly at higher levels are the sons or daughters of repressive regimes, and naturally they are sympathetic to regression. Many people interpret in such a way that regression is the king. That is not true. The king is one among the principle actors but to tell that the king alone represents regression is misleading. Regression should be understood as an act that takes the society and state backward and reintroduces the state culture of oppression and cronyism to prevent fundamental change. If this definition is applied, the state functionaries are functioning in such a way that that has been strengthening the forces of regression. The government is simply bribing the higher level functionaries by promotions and transfers in lucrative posts to get their cooperation. This is nothing other than rewarding them, who actually deserve punishment.
4. At the end of the 1990 movement, the persons loosely associated with the universities as part time teachers launched some sort of agitation to become permanent. They were granted to occupy those positions without participating in any kind of competition. The same has been happening today. The part time teachers of the universities and temporary employees of several corporations, government departments and projects are blocking the roads or gates of their respective offices. This is strange that you just block everything at your wish and get what you want. This is simply a situation of lawlessness. Moreover, this is regression as you are favoring a section of people by rewarding them without giving fair chance to everybody qualified and willing to compete. The big business houses are not interested to pay back the bank loans. Similarly, everybody employed here and there wants to compel the government to raise his or her salary and benefits. The peasants all over Nepal are forgotten, whereas the middle class hunger and greed have been parading on the disfigured roads of the ancient city of Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal.
5. The youths, particularly the students, are high in ideals, zeal and initiatives. They are wonderful in their courage. But, the political crooks just sneak inside the community of youths and try to advance their causes through them. In general, the students have a responsibility to train themselves for future, but the political crooks need them today. Therefore, inspired by the colorful phrases of the political crooks, the youths use their energy and courage even in the areas that are not necessarily compatible to their roles. They should be agitating for the improvement of the education system that may include teaching-learning process, environment and mechanism. Also, they could stop their studies temporarily if there is a great call of the nation when it is at the historic crossroads. But, for every issue, every time and in a sundry fashion, calling the youths to come to streets is counterproductive, loss making and irresponsible. Unfortunately, that is what the political crooks are practicing even when they are in the government. They raised the price of fuel without any homework as government and they opposed the price rise without any sense of responsibility as political parties. Moreover, they instigated the youths to come to streets. Finally, they felt immense satisfaction when their own government rolled back their own decision. In this process, several families lost their livelihood as their petty businesses were destroyed by the mob, besides the blood-shedding of several agitating youths. Regrettable!
6. The Nepali civil society is a strange animal. It is something like the loosely connected universe of diverse interests. The frustrated politicians are civil society. The bureaucrats are civil society. The media failures are civil society. And, the business persons are civil society. Furthermore, social service contract agencies are also civil society. (For further reading, please visit http://www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com/ -"A Brief Note on NGOs and Civil Society Representation"). They create hue and cry, if and when they are left out. The same has been happening now. The real civil societies are busy at basics - water, literacy, livelihood, awareness, information dissemination, etc. The civil society actors among journalists are fighting for sustainable space to play a critical role, whereas the corporate media houses are pretending as over-weight civil society actors. Thus, the 'civil society' has been politicized to maximize the political benefits for certain political parties or individuals. Furthermore, also they are politicized to derive maximum monitory benefits for the service contract agencies and corporate media houses.
7. Once, I had reviewed a book. I sent the review to publish. After receiving the review, the editor of the news journal sent an email asking me to write and send him an article for that news journal. I wrote one and sent to him. The article did not see the light of the day. The editor, the humble associate of the publisher, had every right not to publish something that is against their stated policy. Only surprising was that he did not even acknowledge neither he informed me about their decision not to publish. Asking for the article and ignoring entirely was what a bit strange behavior. The article was written in March 2006. In that article, I had raised the issue of foreign influence, besides other issues and had questioned the role of the envoys of a few powerful countries. When you accept some one as your master during your rainy days, naturally that master would like to stay as your master during your sunny days. Everybody could see now what the envoys of certain powerful countries are telling to this government to do. The US Ambassador has been performing the role of a Viceroy of British colonial India. A friend of mine was pondering over whether it would be better to become Sikkim that gives you the first class Indian citizenship rather than to become a second class Indian subject with Nepali citizenship. The second scenario just brings duties, whereas it denies rights. In fact, it is foolish to think on that way, but still it reveals the frustration of a Nepali soul.
Now, the question arises that the great movement lunched by the Nepalese people heroically resulted to what? In substance, it created awareness among the people and brought the situation to status quo ante that allowed people to express and to be organized. In form, it just separated a few feathers from the wings of the king. Rest, everything is the loud talk of the political crooks. Moreover, as values, behaviors and practices; regression has come out of the Intensive Care Unit. It is fast infecting all organs of the government and also the thought process of the ruling elites. Particularly, it is in a stage of capturing the soul of the reinstated rulers to complete the process of regression by attaining reconciliation between traditional and parliamentary forces. If that reconciliation materializes, the regression process will complete. In that situation, we would be free to welcome regression or to fight against it as resolutely as we fought during the "Spring Thunder - 2006".
September 04, 2006
The euphoria of "Spring Thunder - 2006" has been gradually dissipating. For this process, several factors contributed. Among them the prominent factors included political amateurism and opportunism, incompetent governance, indifference of state functionaries, middle class hunger and greed, misuse of youthful energy and courage, politicization of 'civil society' and influence of foreign forces.
1. Immediately after the conclusion of the movement, the politicians of the parliamentary school promised that they will bring heaven to Nepal soon. The reinstated parliament was super active in selling cosmetics that included making the king powerless (but not abolishing the monarchy!). Their 'Magna Carta' covered many insignificant issues, which had nothing to do with the grassroots socio-political change. They simply took the path of populism that had its foundation on amateurism and opportunism. The political parties, which belonged to the parliamentary school are running the government and are opposing the government at the same time. For them, politics is the game of convenience. A friend of mine J. D. Baidya, who headed the Nepal Jaycees long time ago, says, "I am not a political thinker nor I have the insights of politics. But as a layman, all I can say is that the present miserable state of Nepal is because of visionless, mindless and incompetent parasites acting as political leaders." The conclusion of such an informed citizen is self-explanatory.
2. The demands of any section of people might be legitimate, but due to other obligations, the state may not be able to meet such demands. It is strange that the government in power in Nepal does not know its obligations neither it has any specific priority. The government bows down when a crowd of even10-12 persons comes with a wish list. Thus, it has contributed to strengthen the platform for anarchy. A government without a mission, without a priority and without any obligation to adhering to laws, rules and programs only can bring misery to its people. The same is happening today. The government is not only incompetent in creating positive environment to resolve the political conflict but also it failed in basics, such as providing security to its citizens. The robbers and thieves have a field-day even in the capital city.
3. The ethics and morality were alien for most of the state functionaries since the inception of their functions. Now, the fear factor also has gone away from their mind. Corruption has been continuing as an acceptable cultural practice. For most of government employees, non-performance is what they get the salary for, and to perform they need extra payment from the receiver of services. For a long time, it was believed that the police have been collaborating with the criminals, but in recent days, the frequency and quality of their participation has increased tremendously. The policemen linked with the recent robberies in the capital are a few examples. The state functionaries, particularly at higher levels are the sons or daughters of repressive regimes, and naturally they are sympathetic to regression. Many people interpret in such a way that regression is the king. That is not true. The king is one among the principle actors but to tell that the king alone represents regression is misleading. Regression should be understood as an act that takes the society and state backward and reintroduces the state culture of oppression and cronyism to prevent fundamental change. If this definition is applied, the state functionaries are functioning in such a way that that has been strengthening the forces of regression. The government is simply bribing the higher level functionaries by promotions and transfers in lucrative posts to get their cooperation. This is nothing other than rewarding them, who actually deserve punishment.
4. At the end of the 1990 movement, the persons loosely associated with the universities as part time teachers launched some sort of agitation to become permanent. They were granted to occupy those positions without participating in any kind of competition. The same has been happening today. The part time teachers of the universities and temporary employees of several corporations, government departments and projects are blocking the roads or gates of their respective offices. This is strange that you just block everything at your wish and get what you want. This is simply a situation of lawlessness. Moreover, this is regression as you are favoring a section of people by rewarding them without giving fair chance to everybody qualified and willing to compete. The big business houses are not interested to pay back the bank loans. Similarly, everybody employed here and there wants to compel the government to raise his or her salary and benefits. The peasants all over Nepal are forgotten, whereas the middle class hunger and greed have been parading on the disfigured roads of the ancient city of Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal.
5. The youths, particularly the students, are high in ideals, zeal and initiatives. They are wonderful in their courage. But, the political crooks just sneak inside the community of youths and try to advance their causes through them. In general, the students have a responsibility to train themselves for future, but the political crooks need them today. Therefore, inspired by the colorful phrases of the political crooks, the youths use their energy and courage even in the areas that are not necessarily compatible to their roles. They should be agitating for the improvement of the education system that may include teaching-learning process, environment and mechanism. Also, they could stop their studies temporarily if there is a great call of the nation when it is at the historic crossroads. But, for every issue, every time and in a sundry fashion, calling the youths to come to streets is counterproductive, loss making and irresponsible. Unfortunately, that is what the political crooks are practicing even when they are in the government. They raised the price of fuel without any homework as government and they opposed the price rise without any sense of responsibility as political parties. Moreover, they instigated the youths to come to streets. Finally, they felt immense satisfaction when their own government rolled back their own decision. In this process, several families lost their livelihood as their petty businesses were destroyed by the mob, besides the blood-shedding of several agitating youths. Regrettable!
6. The Nepali civil society is a strange animal. It is something like the loosely connected universe of diverse interests. The frustrated politicians are civil society. The bureaucrats are civil society. The media failures are civil society. And, the business persons are civil society. Furthermore, social service contract agencies are also civil society. (For further reading, please visit http://www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com/ -"A Brief Note on NGOs and Civil Society Representation"). They create hue and cry, if and when they are left out. The same has been happening now. The real civil societies are busy at basics - water, literacy, livelihood, awareness, information dissemination, etc. The civil society actors among journalists are fighting for sustainable space to play a critical role, whereas the corporate media houses are pretending as over-weight civil society actors. Thus, the 'civil society' has been politicized to maximize the political benefits for certain political parties or individuals. Furthermore, also they are politicized to derive maximum monitory benefits for the service contract agencies and corporate media houses.
7. Once, I had reviewed a book. I sent the review to publish. After receiving the review, the editor of the news journal sent an email asking me to write and send him an article for that news journal. I wrote one and sent to him. The article did not see the light of the day. The editor, the humble associate of the publisher, had every right not to publish something that is against their stated policy. Only surprising was that he did not even acknowledge neither he informed me about their decision not to publish. Asking for the article and ignoring entirely was what a bit strange behavior. The article was written in March 2006. In that article, I had raised the issue of foreign influence, besides other issues and had questioned the role of the envoys of a few powerful countries. When you accept some one as your master during your rainy days, naturally that master would like to stay as your master during your sunny days. Everybody could see now what the envoys of certain powerful countries are telling to this government to do. The US Ambassador has been performing the role of a Viceroy of British colonial India. A friend of mine was pondering over whether it would be better to become Sikkim that gives you the first class Indian citizenship rather than to become a second class Indian subject with Nepali citizenship. The second scenario just brings duties, whereas it denies rights. In fact, it is foolish to think on that way, but still it reveals the frustration of a Nepali soul.
Now, the question arises that the great movement lunched by the Nepalese people heroically resulted to what? In substance, it created awareness among the people and brought the situation to status quo ante that allowed people to express and to be organized. In form, it just separated a few feathers from the wings of the king. Rest, everything is the loud talk of the political crooks. Moreover, as values, behaviors and practices; regression has come out of the Intensive Care Unit. It is fast infecting all organs of the government and also the thought process of the ruling elites. Particularly, it is in a stage of capturing the soul of the reinstated rulers to complete the process of regression by attaining reconciliation between traditional and parliamentary forces. If that reconciliation materializes, the regression process will complete. In that situation, we would be free to welcome regression or to fight against it as resolutely as we fought during the "Spring Thunder - 2006".
September 04, 2006
Saturday, September 02, 2006
Spring Thunder in Nepal: Glorious but Inconclusive - II
- Govinda Neupane
Background
My article "Spring Thunder in Nepal: Glorious but Inconclusive" was posted on "United We Blog" (http://www.blog.com.np/). This is just a rejoinder, which had been written as a response to the issues raised by the fellow bloggers. The issues prominently raised included Khas domination, land issue, Maoist movement and my conclusion in the article. The rejoinder was posted on http://www.blog.com.np/ and had also got tremendous response.
Khas domination:
In Nepal, there are five nationalities - Madheshi (31.53%), Khas (30.89%), MangolKirat (23.05%), Dalit (7.87%) and Newar (5.48%). Besides, there are some small unclassified groups (1.19%). The Khas has four sub-groups. They are Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sanyasi. The Khas-Hindu rulers used the caste system, cultural invasion and Hindu administrative as well as legal system as the basis for suppressing the cultures of other nationalities. The process of Khas domination had started long ago and the state provided the leadership. Therefore, the role of the state in creating favorable environment for Khas domination and centralization of available resources, opportunities and power around them is the primary reason for all sorts of inequalities among nationalities. In 2005, Khasas having a population of 30.89% had been occupying 59.18% of the powerful leadership positions in four major areas - state, political parties, private sector and civil society. (For details, please see my book "Nepalko jatiya Prashna: Samajik Banot ra Sajhedariko Sambhavana", Second Edition - 2005, Center for Development Studies - Nepal, Kathmandu. The first edition of the book is available in the internet in English. The title of the book is "The Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism". For the book, please visit my website: www.neupaneg.com). In reality, if we wish to build an egalitarian, civilized and prosperous Nepal, we should end the Khas domination in every aspect of national life.
Land Issue:
There are four issues involved - ownership, communal relations (i.e., nationalities' ownership pattern, such as who controls the former Kipat land in Limbuan), value of land as per its location and productivity. In Nepal, land brings prestige, provides insurance cover and ensures livelihood for a large majority of people. Therefore, one has to appreciate the role that land plays. Moreover, it is the most important means of production. Also, the land has contributed to class conflicts, court cases and corruption opportunities for the bureaucrats including in the legal system who are called judges. Therefore, resolution of the land issue has been critical and central. The issue is not that everybody has to share poverty, rather everybody should have equitable share on prosperity. Therefore, the traditional land reform alone may not solve the problem, though it is true that there is the need of redistribution of land particularly based on "land to the tiller". Hence, one has to be creative, innovative and willing to accept the mechanism of collective problem solving. Cooperative farming particularly horticulture in commercial scales in the hill areas by bringing land and labor inputs together as shares could be one among such initiatives. In some areas, reverting to communal ownership as an upgraded Kipat system may help. In fact, the most important issues are to ensure equity, justice and prosperity. Let's collectively continue to search for better and better options to resolve the issues related to land, which is one of the most important productive resources in Nepal.
Maoist Movement:
After the historic people's movement of 1990, the expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. After the movement, one or the other party formed the government. Unfortunately, they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high. In the mean time the Maoists took arms. The politico-economic and social agenda have centered on the armed confrontations, battles and war since 1996. Since then, the society has been passing through a difficult phase of transition. In fact, feudalism has been fast disappearing in the villages. The towns and cities also are passing through socio-political change, speedily. The awakening among the oppressed nationalities has been unprecedented. And, hope has been generated among the people. The "Spring Thunder of April 2006" has opened up the opportunities to realize the dream of a new Nepal. Now, the Nepalese state and people could address the issues of fundamental societal transformation. Therefore, there is the need of a superstructure, which is compatible to the transformational agenda. If the society has to move forward, there should be a progressive state which operates with dynamic political processes. Obviously, pluralism with a difference (please see my article "Pluralism with Difference" for definition and characteristics in www.neupaneg.com) provides the synergistic environment to all political parties, social and economic forces and mass organizations to function as centers of excellence. Also, it makes them accountable as the people could judge them continuously. The important factors are the orientation of the state power and the choice of a mechanism by which the power is exercised. When the interest of the common people, their values and visions occupy primacy, rest will fall accordingly. It is important to institutionalize those primacies in the form of constitutional provisions, and for this purpose there is the need of a duly elected constituent assembly. When there are such provisions in the constitution drafted and adopted by the constituent assembly, the armed forces and the bureaucracy need overhaul. A surgical process can insert the new state values within a new operational framework. The amalgamation of two armies into one could provide the opportunity for such surgical process. To create such opportunities, many individuals, groups, parties and forces fought resolutely. Certainly, the Maoists are one among the major players. Therefore, it is normal and natural to appreciate the Maoists for their value adding contributions in this historic process.
Validation of Conclusion
The consensus that has built around the constituent assembly could be the new departure point in the endeavor for building a new nation, a new Nepal. But, if this process gets obstructed, the course may turn again into a violent one. We should not forget this probability only because of the euphoria of optimism. Being impulsive is good, but keeping the head cool is better.
Background
My article "Spring Thunder in Nepal: Glorious but Inconclusive" was posted on "United We Blog" (http://www.blog.com.np/). This is just a rejoinder, which had been written as a response to the issues raised by the fellow bloggers. The issues prominently raised included Khas domination, land issue, Maoist movement and my conclusion in the article. The rejoinder was posted on http://www.blog.com.np/ and had also got tremendous response.
Khas domination:
In Nepal, there are five nationalities - Madheshi (31.53%), Khas (30.89%), MangolKirat (23.05%), Dalit (7.87%) and Newar (5.48%). Besides, there are some small unclassified groups (1.19%). The Khas has four sub-groups. They are Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sanyasi. The Khas-Hindu rulers used the caste system, cultural invasion and Hindu administrative as well as legal system as the basis for suppressing the cultures of other nationalities. The process of Khas domination had started long ago and the state provided the leadership. Therefore, the role of the state in creating favorable environment for Khas domination and centralization of available resources, opportunities and power around them is the primary reason for all sorts of inequalities among nationalities. In 2005, Khasas having a population of 30.89% had been occupying 59.18% of the powerful leadership positions in four major areas - state, political parties, private sector and civil society. (For details, please see my book "Nepalko jatiya Prashna: Samajik Banot ra Sajhedariko Sambhavana", Second Edition - 2005, Center for Development Studies - Nepal, Kathmandu. The first edition of the book is available in the internet in English. The title of the book is "The Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism". For the book, please visit my website: www.neupaneg.com). In reality, if we wish to build an egalitarian, civilized and prosperous Nepal, we should end the Khas domination in every aspect of national life.
Land Issue:
There are four issues involved - ownership, communal relations (i.e., nationalities' ownership pattern, such as who controls the former Kipat land in Limbuan), value of land as per its location and productivity. In Nepal, land brings prestige, provides insurance cover and ensures livelihood for a large majority of people. Therefore, one has to appreciate the role that land plays. Moreover, it is the most important means of production. Also, the land has contributed to class conflicts, court cases and corruption opportunities for the bureaucrats including in the legal system who are called judges. Therefore, resolution of the land issue has been critical and central. The issue is not that everybody has to share poverty, rather everybody should have equitable share on prosperity. Therefore, the traditional land reform alone may not solve the problem, though it is true that there is the need of redistribution of land particularly based on "land to the tiller". Hence, one has to be creative, innovative and willing to accept the mechanism of collective problem solving. Cooperative farming particularly horticulture in commercial scales in the hill areas by bringing land and labor inputs together as shares could be one among such initiatives. In some areas, reverting to communal ownership as an upgraded Kipat system may help. In fact, the most important issues are to ensure equity, justice and prosperity. Let's collectively continue to search for better and better options to resolve the issues related to land, which is one of the most important productive resources in Nepal.
Maoist Movement:
After the historic people's movement of 1990, the expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. After the movement, one or the other party formed the government. Unfortunately, they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high. In the mean time the Maoists took arms. The politico-economic and social agenda have centered on the armed confrontations, battles and war since 1996. Since then, the society has been passing through a difficult phase of transition. In fact, feudalism has been fast disappearing in the villages. The towns and cities also are passing through socio-political change, speedily. The awakening among the oppressed nationalities has been unprecedented. And, hope has been generated among the people. The "Spring Thunder of April 2006" has opened up the opportunities to realize the dream of a new Nepal. Now, the Nepalese state and people could address the issues of fundamental societal transformation. Therefore, there is the need of a superstructure, which is compatible to the transformational agenda. If the society has to move forward, there should be a progressive state which operates with dynamic political processes. Obviously, pluralism with a difference (please see my article "Pluralism with Difference" for definition and characteristics in www.neupaneg.com) provides the synergistic environment to all political parties, social and economic forces and mass organizations to function as centers of excellence. Also, it makes them accountable as the people could judge them continuously. The important factors are the orientation of the state power and the choice of a mechanism by which the power is exercised. When the interest of the common people, their values and visions occupy primacy, rest will fall accordingly. It is important to institutionalize those primacies in the form of constitutional provisions, and for this purpose there is the need of a duly elected constituent assembly. When there are such provisions in the constitution drafted and adopted by the constituent assembly, the armed forces and the bureaucracy need overhaul. A surgical process can insert the new state values within a new operational framework. The amalgamation of two armies into one could provide the opportunity for such surgical process. To create such opportunities, many individuals, groups, parties and forces fought resolutely. Certainly, the Maoists are one among the major players. Therefore, it is normal and natural to appreciate the Maoists for their value adding contributions in this historic process.
Validation of Conclusion
The consensus that has built around the constituent assembly could be the new departure point in the endeavor for building a new nation, a new Nepal. But, if this process gets obstructed, the course may turn again into a violent one. We should not forget this probability only because of the euphoria of optimism. Being impulsive is good, but keeping the head cool is better.
Thursday, August 24, 2006
Madhesis: colonial subjects or masters of their own destiny?
- Govinda Neupane
The population of the Madhesis as per the national census - 2001 is 7,169,109. (This is the combined figure of all Madhesi groups. For details, please see my book "Nepalko Jatiya Prashna", second edition, 2005). The figure reveals that the Madhesi is the largest nationality in Nepal.
The feudal principalities in Madhes and hills together formed today's Nepal. This did not happen voluntarily (e.g. USA), neither this is the outcome of entirely a colonial adventure (e.g. India). It has a long history of several principalities coming together and breaking the bond, and repeating the process, several times. In the ancient times, the Kirats ruled the central and eastern hill areas. There were several small feudal principalities or republics at the southern region spread over either side of Nepal-India boarder.
In Madhes, the first known republics included Moriya republic (believed existed around present Piprahawa in Lumbini), Koliya republic (Ramgram and Devdaha), Brijji or Bajji republic (central Tarai) Cheti republic (central Tarai), Shakya republic (Kapilvastu), Pabbat Rattha (around Janakpur), Videha or Mithila (Jankpur), etc. Historians believe that these republics had existed in different times before Christ (Jagadish Chandra Regmi, 2026 V.S., pp 87-94, Ratna Pustak Bhandar, Kathmandu). For the happenings during the middle age, there is nothing meaningful that has been written to shed light on Madhes, other than a few stories related to swallowing the Madhesi territory by Kirats in the east, Sens in the central region and Khasas in the west. During the time of Gorkha-led military campaign, all parts of today's Nepal had merged together. Thus, Nepal as a state came into existence.
Although, politically and administratively the entire Madhes region was merged, but psychologically and socially, it remained distinct and different. The Khas rulers in Kathmandu treated the Madhesi people as second class citizens or colonial subjects, suspected on their loyalty to Nepal and suppressed them particularly in four areas as mentioned below.
1) Denying employment in the army overtly, and other government services covertly,
2) Disempowering through restrictions in the use of their languages in education and official works and discouraging the practice of their customs (e.g. official dress code),
3) Capturing their land in the name of Birta, Jagir, Rajguthi/Devguthi, land reform, etc and distributing to feudal lords, priests, courtiers, government employees and Hindu Gods/Goddesses from the hills, and
4) Denying many people their citizenship right.
The Khas rulers and their hill brethren behaved in a way that they had occupied, both, the land and people of Madhes. As a result, the Madhesis had to suffer economically, politically, socially and emotionally.
Now, the government has decided that they will be open to recruit the Madhesi youths in the army. At least, in theory, this discrimination has been ended.
The issue of language is being hotly debated. It could be settled in the near future by the constituent assembly or parliament.
The issue of land has not been debated yet that much but this could be a major issue in future. How the Madhesis could get back their captured or confiscated land? The land they sold is not theirs, but the land taken forcibly from them using the state power should go back to them. The land confiscated by the government stating that that was beyond the ceiling had to be distributed among the landless Madhesi people themselves. But, such land was mostly distributed to 'landless' middle class government employees from the hills, particularly of Khas origin. Therefore, the Rajguthi, Devguthi, Jagir and Birta lands should be thoroughly studied together with the land distributed to 'landless' government officials or their cronies during the land reform period. The whole exercise could contribute to develop a mechanism, which will enable the Madhesis to get back their land other than that what they had sold.
The issue of citizenship is being fiercely debated for several decades. But the Khas rulers in Kathmandu have done nothing other than to suppress the legitimate demand. For the hill people in general, and the Khas ruler and their henchmen in particular, the issue sounds as distribution of the citizenship right to the Indians. For many of them, the hill faces are Nepalese and the Madhesi faces are Indian. This is the racist attitude of the worst type. Also, the hill people who believe in equity and justice should fight resolutely by standing together with the Madhesis against this racism. As far as the solution of the citizenship issue is concerned, there are three types of opinions or approaches - denial, piecemeal and holistic. The persons or organizations belonging to the first type pretend that there is no such issue or at least that is not an important issue. Therefore, denying in one or other pretext has been their business. They even blame that the issue has communal angle or this is an Indian agenda. The second types accept that there is the problem but propose solutions in piecemeal and say that let's solve the problem on the basis of the voter list of 1963 or 1980 or 1990. Is this a search for solution or a creation of new problems? This could appease some, but may not address the problem in its totality. The persons or organizations belonging to the third type are in favor of solving this problem through a campaign by sending teams of government officials to visit residences, count heads, enlist all citizens who do not have citizenship certificate, investigate any complications then and there, and issue temporary certificate that could be converted into permanent one after attaching a photograph and signing by the authority at a later date convenient to that citizen. If there are a few complicated cases, the documents could be submitted to the courts or special courts for decision. Statehood is a fundamental right and by denying that right to its citizens, the Nepalese state has been violating the law. This is the time to honor the fundamental right. Therefore, the citizenship campaign should be started immediately and should be completed before the election of the constituent assembly. Not only to ensure the participation of all people in the election but also to provide justice through inclusion; the citizenship campaign in the Madhes region should get priority.
Now, there must not be a ruling nationality. There must not be a subject nationality. In this situation, the Madhesis together with other oppressed nationalities deserve equitable share in every sphere of national life. They are the masters of their own destiny. They certainly could retaliate angrily if treated as colonial subjects as in the past. They would feel proud as partners in development of Nepal as this is their motherland. The process of building a dream Nepal has already begun. In fact, if we are going to build an egalitarian, democratic and prosperous Nepal, we must off load the burden of the past, must address the burning issues of the people and nationalities and must initiate the building process through inclusion and partnership. Considering the diverse socio-geographic realities in Nepal, inclusion and partnership could be realized by addressing the grievances of people and opening up opportunities for them in a broad framework that has its foundation on multiculturalism and federalism.
August 24, 2006
The population of the Madhesis as per the national census - 2001 is 7,169,109. (This is the combined figure of all Madhesi groups. For details, please see my book "Nepalko Jatiya Prashna", second edition, 2005). The figure reveals that the Madhesi is the largest nationality in Nepal.
The feudal principalities in Madhes and hills together formed today's Nepal. This did not happen voluntarily (e.g. USA), neither this is the outcome of entirely a colonial adventure (e.g. India). It has a long history of several principalities coming together and breaking the bond, and repeating the process, several times. In the ancient times, the Kirats ruled the central and eastern hill areas. There were several small feudal principalities or republics at the southern region spread over either side of Nepal-India boarder.
In Madhes, the first known republics included Moriya republic (believed existed around present Piprahawa in Lumbini), Koliya republic (Ramgram and Devdaha), Brijji or Bajji republic (central Tarai) Cheti republic (central Tarai), Shakya republic (Kapilvastu), Pabbat Rattha (around Janakpur), Videha or Mithila (Jankpur), etc. Historians believe that these republics had existed in different times before Christ (Jagadish Chandra Regmi, 2026 V.S., pp 87-94, Ratna Pustak Bhandar, Kathmandu). For the happenings during the middle age, there is nothing meaningful that has been written to shed light on Madhes, other than a few stories related to swallowing the Madhesi territory by Kirats in the east, Sens in the central region and Khasas in the west. During the time of Gorkha-led military campaign, all parts of today's Nepal had merged together. Thus, Nepal as a state came into existence.
Although, politically and administratively the entire Madhes region was merged, but psychologically and socially, it remained distinct and different. The Khas rulers in Kathmandu treated the Madhesi people as second class citizens or colonial subjects, suspected on their loyalty to Nepal and suppressed them particularly in four areas as mentioned below.
1) Denying employment in the army overtly, and other government services covertly,
2) Disempowering through restrictions in the use of their languages in education and official works and discouraging the practice of their customs (e.g. official dress code),
3) Capturing their land in the name of Birta, Jagir, Rajguthi/Devguthi, land reform, etc and distributing to feudal lords, priests, courtiers, government employees and Hindu Gods/Goddesses from the hills, and
4) Denying many people their citizenship right.
The Khas rulers and their hill brethren behaved in a way that they had occupied, both, the land and people of Madhes. As a result, the Madhesis had to suffer economically, politically, socially and emotionally.
Now, the government has decided that they will be open to recruit the Madhesi youths in the army. At least, in theory, this discrimination has been ended.
The issue of language is being hotly debated. It could be settled in the near future by the constituent assembly or parliament.
The issue of land has not been debated yet that much but this could be a major issue in future. How the Madhesis could get back their captured or confiscated land? The land they sold is not theirs, but the land taken forcibly from them using the state power should go back to them. The land confiscated by the government stating that that was beyond the ceiling had to be distributed among the landless Madhesi people themselves. But, such land was mostly distributed to 'landless' middle class government employees from the hills, particularly of Khas origin. Therefore, the Rajguthi, Devguthi, Jagir and Birta lands should be thoroughly studied together with the land distributed to 'landless' government officials or their cronies during the land reform period. The whole exercise could contribute to develop a mechanism, which will enable the Madhesis to get back their land other than that what they had sold.
The issue of citizenship is being fiercely debated for several decades. But the Khas rulers in Kathmandu have done nothing other than to suppress the legitimate demand. For the hill people in general, and the Khas ruler and their henchmen in particular, the issue sounds as distribution of the citizenship right to the Indians. For many of them, the hill faces are Nepalese and the Madhesi faces are Indian. This is the racist attitude of the worst type. Also, the hill people who believe in equity and justice should fight resolutely by standing together with the Madhesis against this racism. As far as the solution of the citizenship issue is concerned, there are three types of opinions or approaches - denial, piecemeal and holistic. The persons or organizations belonging to the first type pretend that there is no such issue or at least that is not an important issue. Therefore, denying in one or other pretext has been their business. They even blame that the issue has communal angle or this is an Indian agenda. The second types accept that there is the problem but propose solutions in piecemeal and say that let's solve the problem on the basis of the voter list of 1963 or 1980 or 1990. Is this a search for solution or a creation of new problems? This could appease some, but may not address the problem in its totality. The persons or organizations belonging to the third type are in favor of solving this problem through a campaign by sending teams of government officials to visit residences, count heads, enlist all citizens who do not have citizenship certificate, investigate any complications then and there, and issue temporary certificate that could be converted into permanent one after attaching a photograph and signing by the authority at a later date convenient to that citizen. If there are a few complicated cases, the documents could be submitted to the courts or special courts for decision. Statehood is a fundamental right and by denying that right to its citizens, the Nepalese state has been violating the law. This is the time to honor the fundamental right. Therefore, the citizenship campaign should be started immediately and should be completed before the election of the constituent assembly. Not only to ensure the participation of all people in the election but also to provide justice through inclusion; the citizenship campaign in the Madhes region should get priority.
Now, there must not be a ruling nationality. There must not be a subject nationality. In this situation, the Madhesis together with other oppressed nationalities deserve equitable share in every sphere of national life. They are the masters of their own destiny. They certainly could retaliate angrily if treated as colonial subjects as in the past. They would feel proud as partners in development of Nepal as this is their motherland. The process of building a dream Nepal has already begun. In fact, if we are going to build an egalitarian, democratic and prosperous Nepal, we must off load the burden of the past, must address the burning issues of the people and nationalities and must initiate the building process through inclusion and partnership. Considering the diverse socio-geographic realities in Nepal, inclusion and partnership could be realized by addressing the grievances of people and opening up opportunities for them in a broad framework that has its foundation on multiculturalism and federalism.
August 24, 2006
Sunday, August 20, 2006
A Brief Note on NGOs and Civil Society Representation
- Govinda Neupane
Nepal has a long history of voluntary services. During the initial stage of civilization, the people had some sorts of social organizations, which were called "Sithi", "Guthi", "Nangkhur", "Chumlung", "Noghar", "Bheja", "Khel", etc. These were loosely connected social agencies. They mobilized masses in civic tasks. They were the first generation social organizations.
The second generation organizations included Arya Samaj, Mahila Samiti (Women's Committee), Gorkha League, Nepal Charkha Pracharak Gandhi Smarak Mahaguthi (Gandhi Memorial Trust for Propagating Spinning in Nepal) popularly known as "Mahaguthi", Nepal Nagarik Adhikar Samiti (Committee for Civil Rights in Nepal), Paropakar Sanstha (Welfare Association), etc. These organizations played significant roles in making people aware, extending services and availing skills for making the life of disadvantaged families a bit better.
The third generation organizations had clear orientation on service delivery. The well known organizations in this category included Nepal Tuberculosis Control Association, Nepal Family Planning Association, Nepal Red Cross Society, Nepal Leprosy Control Association, etc. These organizations were established primarily to mobilize local and foreign donations to supplement the government programs. Therefore, they were not non-government, but semi-government organizations by nature.
The fourth generation organizations could be categorized in five groups - 1) civil society groups, 2) service contract agencies, 3) social business ventures, 4) professional associations, and 5) donor's children.
1) Among the civil society groups, there are hundreds of local organizations and initiatives, and a few large conglomerations such as Community Forest User's Federation. These groups are certainly the voluntary agencies and initiatives. Their primary mission is to help themselves, collectively. Although, they may implement some activities and projects by contracting from the donors, but that is not the place where their soul rests at. They are motivated by the zeal to do something good for their community and also for others, if and when possible. They may be small, but putting all of them together, they are the largest group within non-government social sector in Nepal.
2) The service contract agencies pretend that they are part of the larger civil society, whereas their primary motivation is to getting contracts for implementing projects in many areas such as installing physical facilities, delivering services, running political campaigns that may include but not limited to human rights, child rights, minority rights, women's rights, civil rights, strengthening democracy, etc. As there are large agencies within this group, it makes tall claim of civil society leadership. The service contract agencies are much more vulnerable in making compromises with the funding agencies, particularly with the foreign governmental agencies. Sometimes, they play with the image of the nation and dignity of its people. They may not hesitate to project Nepal as a country of traffickers or child solders or drug addicts as long as there is money in dollar bills available for them under these banners. Another dimension of the functioning of these agencies also raises question on their credibility as social organizations. In fact, most of them have been functioning as sister organizations of certain political parties, clandestinely. Many agencies in this group are led by either a political leader with open political identity or a person, whose political affinity to a particular party is well known. Therefore, if someone has misunderstood them and is expecting their neutral role, that person could only be frustrated.
3) The practitioners of the social business ventures are clear on their mission that they will work outside the government system, but provide the same services at reasonable cost and with better quality. The Public Health Concern Trust (PHECT) and its Model Hospital could be one such example. (But, the private nursing homes and private hospitals are not social business ventures, they are outright private businesses.) The social business ventures are transparent and they do not make tall claims too. They are simply healthy institutions, socially.
4) The professional associations work in the best interest of their respective professionals. Sometimes, they extend support to other professionals and fellow citizens as well when there is a great need of their support. A few prominent associations in this group include Nepal Medical Association, Nepal Engineering Association, Nepal Nursing Association, Nepal University Teachers' Association, Nepal Teachers' Union, Nepal Bar Association, etc. These associations are the glorious organizations for the respective professionals and also are the gems of the Nepalese nation.
5) The group comprising of donors' children is busy minting money. In this group, there are two types of children - biological and foster. Either the donors gave birth or they adopted. The donors' children have very good antennas and also are blessed with wonderful sense of smell. They could spot out the availability of fund for a particular activity from a distance of thousands of kilometers. These groups may call themselves as research organizations, conflict prevention groups, peace promoters, anticorruption campaigners, democracy defenders, environment protection angels, friends of internally displaced people, community support organizations etc, but they are dependant on the availability of donor's fund and are ready to put everything under donors' wishes. They utilize such funds on donors' plans and take a large pie of the cake for themselves. These groups are not different than the riflemen/women at Chhauni (army training center/field). Both of them parade. But, the Chhauni group parades in uniform in front of their officers in public, whereas the donor's children parade in civilian dresses in front of their donors in private. The Chhauni group parades to ensure survival of their families, whereas the donor's children parade for arranging luxury, comfort, prestige and power. It is nonsense on the part of common men and women to expect from them meaningful contributions to lessen the burden of fellow citizens. It is strange to watch when they portrait themselves as Messiah of the Masses and the Savior of the Nation!
All five groups mentioned above are non-government organizations. Therefore, there is nothing wrong to say them as non-government. But, when their nature and roles are under scrutiny, they are different.
Recently, it has been in discussion that one third of the members in the interim legislature and interim government should go to civil society. In this context, it becomes necessary to understand the civil society in specific term. One has to be clear that the Donor's children are not part of the civil society, nor are the service contract agencies. Similarly, the social business ventures also may not qualify. There may or may not be unanimity about the professional associations. Hence, if there is agreement to give the civil society some representation in the interim arrangement, only civil society groups and conglomerations (also professional associations?) should get consideration from non-government social sector together with other civil society actors such as media. In fact, the legislation and execution of the state function is the area of expertise and responsibility of the politicians and political parties. Therefore, it is strange to give representation to civil society as a combined formation in the legislative and executive. This proposal either considers the so-called civil society organizations (particularly, service contract agencies and donors' children) and their executives as political parties and political leaders respectively or forwards no confidence motion against the political parties and political leaders of the country.
Nepal has a long history of voluntary services. During the initial stage of civilization, the people had some sorts of social organizations, which were called "Sithi", "Guthi", "Nangkhur", "Chumlung", "Noghar", "Bheja", "Khel", etc. These were loosely connected social agencies. They mobilized masses in civic tasks. They were the first generation social organizations.
The second generation organizations included Arya Samaj, Mahila Samiti (Women's Committee), Gorkha League, Nepal Charkha Pracharak Gandhi Smarak Mahaguthi (Gandhi Memorial Trust for Propagating Spinning in Nepal) popularly known as "Mahaguthi", Nepal Nagarik Adhikar Samiti (Committee for Civil Rights in Nepal), Paropakar Sanstha (Welfare Association), etc. These organizations played significant roles in making people aware, extending services and availing skills for making the life of disadvantaged families a bit better.
The third generation organizations had clear orientation on service delivery. The well known organizations in this category included Nepal Tuberculosis Control Association, Nepal Family Planning Association, Nepal Red Cross Society, Nepal Leprosy Control Association, etc. These organizations were established primarily to mobilize local and foreign donations to supplement the government programs. Therefore, they were not non-government, but semi-government organizations by nature.
The fourth generation organizations could be categorized in five groups - 1) civil society groups, 2) service contract agencies, 3) social business ventures, 4) professional associations, and 5) donor's children.
1) Among the civil society groups, there are hundreds of local organizations and initiatives, and a few large conglomerations such as Community Forest User's Federation. These groups are certainly the voluntary agencies and initiatives. Their primary mission is to help themselves, collectively. Although, they may implement some activities and projects by contracting from the donors, but that is not the place where their soul rests at. They are motivated by the zeal to do something good for their community and also for others, if and when possible. They may be small, but putting all of them together, they are the largest group within non-government social sector in Nepal.
2) The service contract agencies pretend that they are part of the larger civil society, whereas their primary motivation is to getting contracts for implementing projects in many areas such as installing physical facilities, delivering services, running political campaigns that may include but not limited to human rights, child rights, minority rights, women's rights, civil rights, strengthening democracy, etc. As there are large agencies within this group, it makes tall claim of civil society leadership. The service contract agencies are much more vulnerable in making compromises with the funding agencies, particularly with the foreign governmental agencies. Sometimes, they play with the image of the nation and dignity of its people. They may not hesitate to project Nepal as a country of traffickers or child solders or drug addicts as long as there is money in dollar bills available for them under these banners. Another dimension of the functioning of these agencies also raises question on their credibility as social organizations. In fact, most of them have been functioning as sister organizations of certain political parties, clandestinely. Many agencies in this group are led by either a political leader with open political identity or a person, whose political affinity to a particular party is well known. Therefore, if someone has misunderstood them and is expecting their neutral role, that person could only be frustrated.
3) The practitioners of the social business ventures are clear on their mission that they will work outside the government system, but provide the same services at reasonable cost and with better quality. The Public Health Concern Trust (PHECT) and its Model Hospital could be one such example. (But, the private nursing homes and private hospitals are not social business ventures, they are outright private businesses.) The social business ventures are transparent and they do not make tall claims too. They are simply healthy institutions, socially.
4) The professional associations work in the best interest of their respective professionals. Sometimes, they extend support to other professionals and fellow citizens as well when there is a great need of their support. A few prominent associations in this group include Nepal Medical Association, Nepal Engineering Association, Nepal Nursing Association, Nepal University Teachers' Association, Nepal Teachers' Union, Nepal Bar Association, etc. These associations are the glorious organizations for the respective professionals and also are the gems of the Nepalese nation.
5) The group comprising of donors' children is busy minting money. In this group, there are two types of children - biological and foster. Either the donors gave birth or they adopted. The donors' children have very good antennas and also are blessed with wonderful sense of smell. They could spot out the availability of fund for a particular activity from a distance of thousands of kilometers. These groups may call themselves as research organizations, conflict prevention groups, peace promoters, anticorruption campaigners, democracy defenders, environment protection angels, friends of internally displaced people, community support organizations etc, but they are dependant on the availability of donor's fund and are ready to put everything under donors' wishes. They utilize such funds on donors' plans and take a large pie of the cake for themselves. These groups are not different than the riflemen/women at Chhauni (army training center/field). Both of them parade. But, the Chhauni group parades in uniform in front of their officers in public, whereas the donor's children parade in civilian dresses in front of their donors in private. The Chhauni group parades to ensure survival of their families, whereas the donor's children parade for arranging luxury, comfort, prestige and power. It is nonsense on the part of common men and women to expect from them meaningful contributions to lessen the burden of fellow citizens. It is strange to watch when they portrait themselves as Messiah of the Masses and the Savior of the Nation!
All five groups mentioned above are non-government organizations. Therefore, there is nothing wrong to say them as non-government. But, when their nature and roles are under scrutiny, they are different.
Recently, it has been in discussion that one third of the members in the interim legislature and interim government should go to civil society. In this context, it becomes necessary to understand the civil society in specific term. One has to be clear that the Donor's children are not part of the civil society, nor are the service contract agencies. Similarly, the social business ventures also may not qualify. There may or may not be unanimity about the professional associations. Hence, if there is agreement to give the civil society some representation in the interim arrangement, only civil society groups and conglomerations (also professional associations?) should get consideration from non-government social sector together with other civil society actors such as media. In fact, the legislation and execution of the state function is the area of expertise and responsibility of the politicians and political parties. Therefore, it is strange to give representation to civil society as a combined formation in the legislative and executive. This proposal either considers the so-called civil society organizations (particularly, service contract agencies and donors' children) and their executives as political parties and political leaders respectively or forwards no confidence motion against the political parties and political leaders of the country.
The Philippine Experience: a few lessons for the Nepalese Communists
Govinda Neupane
In the Philippines, 1986 was very much an eventful year. I was in Manila in the month of October and got the opportunity to participate in an international solidarity conference organized by the Philippine Peasant Organization (KMP). In Tai-Tai Rizal, the foreign delegates and the guests had been experiencing the thrill not only because they were expressing their solidarity with the Philippine peasants but also knowing that they were surrounded by the New People's Army (NPA) plain-cloths. Jose Maria Sison, the founding Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, had addressed the conference. He was just released a few months back from detention. Comrade Barnaby (I might have wrongly spelt his name) was another notable figure. He was the former commander-in-chief of the NPA and had been recently released from detention. I also met Comrade Jeremy. He was a former politburo member of the Communist Party and had come out of the prison after the overthrow of Marcos regime. He was, at that time, functioning as the General Secretary of the Partido ng Bayan (People's Party). Some Filipino friends told me that the party was an over-ground outfit of the Communist Party. There was Senator Tanada, the Grand Old Man who was leading the Bayan (People's) movement at the age of 88. I met him briefly. Dr. Devbrat of the Indian Workers Federation affiliated to the Communist Party of India (ML-Santosh Rana group) and the popular Filipino singer Jess Santiago together with some unknown underground Filipino communist operatives helped me to avail the wonderful opportunities. I was spellbound knowing comrade Sison's in-depth knowledge of the movements in Nepal. He was even aware of the major events of that time in our country.
During the period of my stay, I interacted with several ordinary people on the street. The wife of my good friend Jess had stopped paying back the bank loan concluding that within a few months, the Communists will take over the state power and she will escape from that burden. Her expectation was that the Communists will out-right cancel all loans. She was not alone. Several people in metro Manila were too eager to welcome the NPA. Some of them shared with me that the rural folks were fortunate than the urbanites as in rural areas the NPA had liberated the masses already.
In the October 18th solidarity procession, nearly half a million people marched up to the road linking to Malakanang palace (Presidential residence). The police blocked the road with tons of barbed wire. The participants from rural Philippines were more vocal in opposing the Aquino government as her family had thousands of hectors of hacienda farms. Aquino, her brother and their families were considered as oppressors. Also, the Marcos' bad boy Enrile (former defense minister) was the minister in Aquino government. This was another irritant for the urban masses. They hated him too much. The common men and women on the street were excited, optimistic and confident. I, a foreigner with a limited information base, was also emotionally with them.
Comrade Sison was hopeful. He was telling that something might happen in the near future. The favorable environment created by the 'People Power' movement had softened the thinking and practice of several leaders. Comrade Jeremy was also optimistic, though not as much as Comrade Sison. Former Commander-in-chief of the NPA, comrade Barnaby was a lone voice who shared his opposition to the political line of putting too much emphasis on mass movements and intermingling with bourgeoisie forces including Senator Tanada's Bayan movement.
The Grand Old Man of the Philippine movement, Senator Tanada, is no more. The Partido ng Bayan is either not functioning or not effective. The Bayan movement also degenerated to spontaneous level. Nobody knows outside NPA and the communist party rank, what was the number of NPA fighters during its heyday. The people were speculating as their number around 35000. The number was drastically reduced during 90s. After so many meetings with bourgeoisie political forces, Sison himself had to go to the Netherlands. Now, the Philippine communists have the bitter experience to analyze and to learn lessons from. They have to rejuvenate their energy, organization and glory once again.
There could be several factors for the set back the Philippine communists had to suffer from. Certainly among them, perhaps, the most critical ones are the softening of their political stand and neglecting establishing and strengthening their base areas. And, not so insignificant role had been played by the 'friendly bourgeoisie forces' including the innocent Senator Tanada in this process.
If some one draws a parallel between the Philippines of the mid 1980's and today's Nepal, he or she will find out that the level of optimism among the people is similar and the political environment is also similar with specific differences created by the local conditions. And, if the impact would be similar, then that would be a great leap backward for the communist movement.
Now, in Nepal, many new Tanadas are stepping in, new Bayan movement is taking shape and new situation has emerged. Most of the Nepali Tanadas, both individual politicians and parties, have been seen in their third political incarnation. They were baby-Tanadas up to 1990. Since 1990, they turned to be a mini-Marcos together with his concert - the iron butterfly with several pairs of shoes made out of gold. They stayed like him for about a dozen of years. Now, they have turned to take the path of agitation. They may play important role by accepting and staying firm on the demand of the constituent assembly. Also, it would be childish to believe that they may not start playing on the hands of the foreign forces and the forces of the reaction inside. Anyway, they represent not the peasants and workers but the upper classes.
Now, the Maoists are in a situation of great dilemma. If they will soften their political stand, they may have the same future as the Philippine communist had seen in 90s. If they choose to stay away from the 'friendly bourgeoisie political forces', the direct foreign interference is nearly impossible to prevent. On the other side, if they stay positive to foreign intermingling and local bourgeoisie hobnobbing, they may have the same future as that of CPN-UML and if they oppose them, they may have to face a combined attack of the unified forces of internal and external reaction. How they will successfully bailout themselves from the complex situation they themselves initiated for? Many people talk about negotiation and a negotiated settlement of the conflict. Is that attainable? The answer is too difficult seeing the nature of the conflict. It has the class factor at its core. The prevailing social and economic contradictions are the causes of the political confrontation. Hence, the social and economic contradictions between antagonistic classes are the root causes of the political conflict. Therefore, without addressing the causes of the socio-economic and political contradictions; the conflict could not be resolved.
The 'negotiation exercises' would just prolong the resolution or help to degenerate a political force on the long run or help to rearrange combat capacities of the warring parties by giving some breather to reconnect the supply lines, training their cadres or army men and women and conducting political propaganda. Therefore, 'negotiation for peace' is just an abstract phrase. Similarly, negotiation for power sharing shall have no impact on strategic issues. Any serious attempt to artificially restore peace without addressing the transformational issues is unsustainable and any power sharing arrangement without participation and endorsement of the people through the expression of their General Will is undemocratic. In this context, if the Maoists will soften their political stand due to the association with the indigenous Tanadas, they may initiate their weakening process themselves. At the same time, continuing the association with them could be beneficial for the societal transformation till the 'friendly bourgeoisie political forces' agree and stay firm on the demand of the election of the constituent assembly.
As a progressive political force, it would be better if the Maoists learn from the Philippine experience. Hence, they should be firm on their political stand (for example, constituent assembly and progressive democratic republic of Nepal), should stay away from foreign influence, particularly of the big powers (both, regional and global) and should initiate democratic innovations. Hence, they have to work in collaboration with the people to design the structure and values of the governance system that promotes constitutionally mandated nature of state, which overtly favors working classes, disadvantaged nationalities, sections and groups, and minorities. Moreover, the state system must be compatible to pluralism, federalism, autonomy for nationalities, competitive democracy, social justice and wealth creation as well as equitable distribution. Thus, the political structure, state values and policy instruments should ensure social transformation and national prosperity. The experiments could be carried out in the geographical pockets of their influence by establishing and strengthening the base areas. They should refrain from being over confident and should stay away from any loss making hobnobbing particularly with the 'friendly bourgeoisie forces'. They should certainly promote and protect the social, economic and political rights of the working classes, minorities and socially excluded sections of the society. Otherwise, they will have no different future than that of the Philippine Communists of the mid-80s or than that of our own high-flying club of bourgeoisie comrades – the UML. Hopefully, the Maoists will examine all available options and course of actions critically, pragmatically and strategically.
(Note: The article was written in March 27, 2006 before the popular movement or the Spring Thunder in Nepal. I just like to add here that the Maoists should be more creative and imaginative but they should avoid swinging to right or 'left' directions. Tactically, utilizing the opportunities created by the movement and strategically, resolutely staying on their main course is what, probably, the working class people not only in Nepal but also all over the world expect from them.)
The artical has been posted on www.nepalresearch.com
In the Philippines, 1986 was very much an eventful year. I was in Manila in the month of October and got the opportunity to participate in an international solidarity conference organized by the Philippine Peasant Organization (KMP). In Tai-Tai Rizal, the foreign delegates and the guests had been experiencing the thrill not only because they were expressing their solidarity with the Philippine peasants but also knowing that they were surrounded by the New People's Army (NPA) plain-cloths. Jose Maria Sison, the founding Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, had addressed the conference. He was just released a few months back from detention. Comrade Barnaby (I might have wrongly spelt his name) was another notable figure. He was the former commander-in-chief of the NPA and had been recently released from detention. I also met Comrade Jeremy. He was a former politburo member of the Communist Party and had come out of the prison after the overthrow of Marcos regime. He was, at that time, functioning as the General Secretary of the Partido ng Bayan (People's Party). Some Filipino friends told me that the party was an over-ground outfit of the Communist Party. There was Senator Tanada, the Grand Old Man who was leading the Bayan (People's) movement at the age of 88. I met him briefly. Dr. Devbrat of the Indian Workers Federation affiliated to the Communist Party of India (ML-Santosh Rana group) and the popular Filipino singer Jess Santiago together with some unknown underground Filipino communist operatives helped me to avail the wonderful opportunities. I was spellbound knowing comrade Sison's in-depth knowledge of the movements in Nepal. He was even aware of the major events of that time in our country.
During the period of my stay, I interacted with several ordinary people on the street. The wife of my good friend Jess had stopped paying back the bank loan concluding that within a few months, the Communists will take over the state power and she will escape from that burden. Her expectation was that the Communists will out-right cancel all loans. She was not alone. Several people in metro Manila were too eager to welcome the NPA. Some of them shared with me that the rural folks were fortunate than the urbanites as in rural areas the NPA had liberated the masses already.
In the October 18th solidarity procession, nearly half a million people marched up to the road linking to Malakanang palace (Presidential residence). The police blocked the road with tons of barbed wire. The participants from rural Philippines were more vocal in opposing the Aquino government as her family had thousands of hectors of hacienda farms. Aquino, her brother and their families were considered as oppressors. Also, the Marcos' bad boy Enrile (former defense minister) was the minister in Aquino government. This was another irritant for the urban masses. They hated him too much. The common men and women on the street were excited, optimistic and confident. I, a foreigner with a limited information base, was also emotionally with them.
Comrade Sison was hopeful. He was telling that something might happen in the near future. The favorable environment created by the 'People Power' movement had softened the thinking and practice of several leaders. Comrade Jeremy was also optimistic, though not as much as Comrade Sison. Former Commander-in-chief of the NPA, comrade Barnaby was a lone voice who shared his opposition to the political line of putting too much emphasis on mass movements and intermingling with bourgeoisie forces including Senator Tanada's Bayan movement.
The Grand Old Man of the Philippine movement, Senator Tanada, is no more. The Partido ng Bayan is either not functioning or not effective. The Bayan movement also degenerated to spontaneous level. Nobody knows outside NPA and the communist party rank, what was the number of NPA fighters during its heyday. The people were speculating as their number around 35000. The number was drastically reduced during 90s. After so many meetings with bourgeoisie political forces, Sison himself had to go to the Netherlands. Now, the Philippine communists have the bitter experience to analyze and to learn lessons from. They have to rejuvenate their energy, organization and glory once again.
There could be several factors for the set back the Philippine communists had to suffer from. Certainly among them, perhaps, the most critical ones are the softening of their political stand and neglecting establishing and strengthening their base areas. And, not so insignificant role had been played by the 'friendly bourgeoisie forces' including the innocent Senator Tanada in this process.
If some one draws a parallel between the Philippines of the mid 1980's and today's Nepal, he or she will find out that the level of optimism among the people is similar and the political environment is also similar with specific differences created by the local conditions. And, if the impact would be similar, then that would be a great leap backward for the communist movement.
Now, in Nepal, many new Tanadas are stepping in, new Bayan movement is taking shape and new situation has emerged. Most of the Nepali Tanadas, both individual politicians and parties, have been seen in their third political incarnation. They were baby-Tanadas up to 1990. Since 1990, they turned to be a mini-Marcos together with his concert - the iron butterfly with several pairs of shoes made out of gold. They stayed like him for about a dozen of years. Now, they have turned to take the path of agitation. They may play important role by accepting and staying firm on the demand of the constituent assembly. Also, it would be childish to believe that they may not start playing on the hands of the foreign forces and the forces of the reaction inside. Anyway, they represent not the peasants and workers but the upper classes.
Now, the Maoists are in a situation of great dilemma. If they will soften their political stand, they may have the same future as the Philippine communist had seen in 90s. If they choose to stay away from the 'friendly bourgeoisie political forces', the direct foreign interference is nearly impossible to prevent. On the other side, if they stay positive to foreign intermingling and local bourgeoisie hobnobbing, they may have the same future as that of CPN-UML and if they oppose them, they may have to face a combined attack of the unified forces of internal and external reaction. How they will successfully bailout themselves from the complex situation they themselves initiated for? Many people talk about negotiation and a negotiated settlement of the conflict. Is that attainable? The answer is too difficult seeing the nature of the conflict. It has the class factor at its core. The prevailing social and economic contradictions are the causes of the political confrontation. Hence, the social and economic contradictions between antagonistic classes are the root causes of the political conflict. Therefore, without addressing the causes of the socio-economic and political contradictions; the conflict could not be resolved.
The 'negotiation exercises' would just prolong the resolution or help to degenerate a political force on the long run or help to rearrange combat capacities of the warring parties by giving some breather to reconnect the supply lines, training their cadres or army men and women and conducting political propaganda. Therefore, 'negotiation for peace' is just an abstract phrase. Similarly, negotiation for power sharing shall have no impact on strategic issues. Any serious attempt to artificially restore peace without addressing the transformational issues is unsustainable and any power sharing arrangement without participation and endorsement of the people through the expression of their General Will is undemocratic. In this context, if the Maoists will soften their political stand due to the association with the indigenous Tanadas, they may initiate their weakening process themselves. At the same time, continuing the association with them could be beneficial for the societal transformation till the 'friendly bourgeoisie political forces' agree and stay firm on the demand of the election of the constituent assembly.
As a progressive political force, it would be better if the Maoists learn from the Philippine experience. Hence, they should be firm on their political stand (for example, constituent assembly and progressive democratic republic of Nepal), should stay away from foreign influence, particularly of the big powers (both, regional and global) and should initiate democratic innovations. Hence, they have to work in collaboration with the people to design the structure and values of the governance system that promotes constitutionally mandated nature of state, which overtly favors working classes, disadvantaged nationalities, sections and groups, and minorities. Moreover, the state system must be compatible to pluralism, federalism, autonomy for nationalities, competitive democracy, social justice and wealth creation as well as equitable distribution. Thus, the political structure, state values and policy instruments should ensure social transformation and national prosperity. The experiments could be carried out in the geographical pockets of their influence by establishing and strengthening the base areas. They should refrain from being over confident and should stay away from any loss making hobnobbing particularly with the 'friendly bourgeoisie forces'. They should certainly promote and protect the social, economic and political rights of the working classes, minorities and socially excluded sections of the society. Otherwise, they will have no different future than that of the Philippine Communists of the mid-80s or than that of our own high-flying club of bourgeoisie comrades – the UML. Hopefully, the Maoists will examine all available options and course of actions critically, pragmatically and strategically.
(Note: The article was written in March 27, 2006 before the popular movement or the Spring Thunder in Nepal. I just like to add here that the Maoists should be more creative and imaginative but they should avoid swinging to right or 'left' directions. Tactically, utilizing the opportunities created by the movement and strategically, resolutely staying on their main course is what, probably, the working class people not only in Nepal but also all over the world expect from them.)
The artical has been posted on www.nepalresearch.com
Saturday, August 19, 2006
Nepal Reality Check: serene villages and tumultuous towns?
Nepal Reality Check: moving towards serene villages and tumultuous towns?
- Govinda Neupane
The fundamental issues of the villages have been broadly addressed. The exploitative behaviors may still be continuing, but that is not a general trend. The productive forces may still not be freed in the true sense of its meaning, but the freedom march has already been started. The criminal caste system, Khas domination and gender stereotypes may still be continuing, but the village communities have discovered the nonsense Bahunbadi social as well as state patronage of such evils. Now, the issues of civil liberty and political freedom have become the critical agenda items. Establishing inclusive pluralistic democracy at the grassroots is the challenge not only for the Maoists, but for other political and social forces as well. The return or resurgence of the local functionaries of the national political parties and their participation in the process of decision making could bring life in this process. They should participate in the local governance mechanism. But, the participation should be through election of the village assemblies. This is what the villages need now. The Maoists should welcome the returnees and/or the resurgent cadres of other political parties. They, themselves, should participate in the governance by competing with these political opponents. They should abide by the law that they agree to govern or to sit in the opposition as mandated by the people through periodic elections. When the village assemblies are in place, then comes the turn of rural physical progress. Mobilizing resources available locally, raising voices to bring the national resources through collective bargaining, and building prosperous villages should be the priority of these village assemblies. The historic process of transformation has already been started and the progressive forces should ensure to take it to its logical conclusion.
For a decade, the politico-cultural, economic and military confrontations had been heavily concentrated in the villages. Now, the villages are administered by the agencies other than that of the government in Singh durbar. The same agencies are reaching out to towns and cities to establish their governance. It sounds a bit funny, but a new reality begins its journey rather through a semi visible route and reaches to the stage of super visibility. Some people feel it, see it and talk about it in its semi visible state itself, whereas the others see it during the stage of super visibility. This happens not only due to ignorance or absence of hard facts, but also because of someone's utter dislike of that emerging reality and determined rejection of it.
Let's see what has started to happen outside the village Nepal. The Maoist army has already established its well equipped security posts in many towns. It is present in every strategic highways and major boarder posts. It has started patrolling the boarder to check the illegal movement of goods. The tax system has been introduced by the Maoists in the towns and cities too. They have started their justice delivery services there. Moreover, they have been channeling the district level government funds (though partially and only in some districts) allocated for rural infrastructure and are implementing as well as overseeing the construction works. They have started awarding the district level contracts in areas of local resource exploitation such as sand and stones and service provisions such as ferry, boats, etc. They have been collecting the road tax. In fact, even in towns, cities and highways, now they have started to gradually replacing the agencies of the government headquartered in Singh durbar.
In the villages, there is single governance mechanism with some exceptions in areas closer to the big cities or the district headquarters. Good or bad, there is the rule as per the design of the Maoists. Hence, the duel rule is confined to the major towns and cities. The Maoists agenda is to unify the governance by designing a new system through the election of the constituent assembly. Therefore, they need the election for restructuring the sate and transferring the state power to the new structures and establishing themselves as a major player in governance. But, why the seven party alliance is willing to go for the election? There are a few logics and among them the most important one is 'their desire' to resolve the 'Maoist problem'. Otherwise, they are perfectly happy with the parliamentary system they have now. Why they are ready to compromise? In the past when the king had captured all power, it was understandable that they tried to find out a common ground to have some sort of understanding with the Maoists. Hence, they agreed that they also will hold the tail of the holy cow, the constituent assembly. Now, the situation has changed and they have become the masters of Singh durbar. Hence, they do not need the tail of the holy cow; rather they need the precious villages under their control. Contrary to this, the Maoists, the champions of harvesting benefits from the fights within the enemy camps, also want to establish their effective governance over the towns and cities. They will not allow the seven party alliance to rule over the villages on the terms of Singh durbar. Similarly, the seven party alliance will not vacate the cities and towns for the Maoists. Hence, the towns and cities are going to be the areas of turmoil. To reach to that level, both, the Maoists and the seven party alliance have to pass through a logical course. Therefore, both of them have been constantly talking about the election of the constituent assembly, either enthusiastically or reluctantly. Now, this may or may not be a commitment, but certainly this talk in itself is part of that logical course.
Although, there is no credible basis to sustain it over a long period of time, the morale of the seven party alliance sounds high. They do not have their own army and the army which they inherited and are presiding over has been considered not loyal to them. It is true that the powerful regional and global forces are backing them. That is their only credible strength. But, that support too is conditional, particularly from the superpower. The condition is that they have to part company with the Maoists if the Maoists reject decommissioning and disarming. Until now, only one factor has not been clear and that is why India, at least publicly, is supporting the idea of partnership between the Maoists and the seven party alliance. Is there any secret understanding among the three - India, seven party alliance and Maoists? Secret understanding or no secret understanding, if and when the Maoists see no reason to partnering with the seven party alliance, they have the courage and motivation to come out of such arrangements, instantly. Alternatively, if and when the Maoist leadership succumbs to international pressure and starts decommissioning and disarming the Maoist army, the leadership will have to witness the revolt and reorganization of their own army against them. This could be the most logical scenario. The Maoist leadership understands it more than anybody else. Then, why they are parading on the roads and streets of the historic city of Kathmandu? Are they enjoying life as tourists? Are they collecting information to establish a handicraft exporting house? Are they negotiating with the spineless government representatives without any purpose? Are they under strong influence of any foreign force? Are they super ambitious crooks who are in hurry to enter inside the Singh durbar? If the answer of the last five questions is an emphatic "no", then there is a mission behind. And, the mission could not be better than either to establishing a progressive political system that could transform the Nepalese society by actively participating in the election of the constituent assembly or if it fails as a process or as an output, starting the urban guerilla war, which will ensure effective governance in the villages and also will help to establish hold over the towns and cities. If the reluctant seven party alliance succumbs to foreign pressure and creates obstacles in Maoists' participation in the election of the constituent assembly or if the Maoists conclude that there is no alternative available for them other than rejecting or accepting the pre-conditions including decommissioning and disarming, the very day, they may go back to war. In fact, the Maoist army could be placed in a number of temporary barracks and the United Nations could ensure their being inside till the election has not been over. Therefore, either there might be peace by taking the route of the constituent assembly or there could be war, particularly the urban guerilla war, if the ongoing negotiation fails. In such situation, the villages may remain peaceful, but there could be unprecedented turmoil in towns and cities. Therefore, there is urgency to understand the gravity of problems, to examine availability of options, to decide immediate course of actions and to craft strategies to ensure better prospects.
The article has been posted on www.nepalresearch.com
- Govinda Neupane
The fundamental issues of the villages have been broadly addressed. The exploitative behaviors may still be continuing, but that is not a general trend. The productive forces may still not be freed in the true sense of its meaning, but the freedom march has already been started. The criminal caste system, Khas domination and gender stereotypes may still be continuing, but the village communities have discovered the nonsense Bahunbadi social as well as state patronage of such evils. Now, the issues of civil liberty and political freedom have become the critical agenda items. Establishing inclusive pluralistic democracy at the grassroots is the challenge not only for the Maoists, but for other political and social forces as well. The return or resurgence of the local functionaries of the national political parties and their participation in the process of decision making could bring life in this process. They should participate in the local governance mechanism. But, the participation should be through election of the village assemblies. This is what the villages need now. The Maoists should welcome the returnees and/or the resurgent cadres of other political parties. They, themselves, should participate in the governance by competing with these political opponents. They should abide by the law that they agree to govern or to sit in the opposition as mandated by the people through periodic elections. When the village assemblies are in place, then comes the turn of rural physical progress. Mobilizing resources available locally, raising voices to bring the national resources through collective bargaining, and building prosperous villages should be the priority of these village assemblies. The historic process of transformation has already been started and the progressive forces should ensure to take it to its logical conclusion.
For a decade, the politico-cultural, economic and military confrontations had been heavily concentrated in the villages. Now, the villages are administered by the agencies other than that of the government in Singh durbar. The same agencies are reaching out to towns and cities to establish their governance. It sounds a bit funny, but a new reality begins its journey rather through a semi visible route and reaches to the stage of super visibility. Some people feel it, see it and talk about it in its semi visible state itself, whereas the others see it during the stage of super visibility. This happens not only due to ignorance or absence of hard facts, but also because of someone's utter dislike of that emerging reality and determined rejection of it.
Let's see what has started to happen outside the village Nepal. The Maoist army has already established its well equipped security posts in many towns. It is present in every strategic highways and major boarder posts. It has started patrolling the boarder to check the illegal movement of goods. The tax system has been introduced by the Maoists in the towns and cities too. They have started their justice delivery services there. Moreover, they have been channeling the district level government funds (though partially and only in some districts) allocated for rural infrastructure and are implementing as well as overseeing the construction works. They have started awarding the district level contracts in areas of local resource exploitation such as sand and stones and service provisions such as ferry, boats, etc. They have been collecting the road tax. In fact, even in towns, cities and highways, now they have started to gradually replacing the agencies of the government headquartered in Singh durbar.
In the villages, there is single governance mechanism with some exceptions in areas closer to the big cities or the district headquarters. Good or bad, there is the rule as per the design of the Maoists. Hence, the duel rule is confined to the major towns and cities. The Maoists agenda is to unify the governance by designing a new system through the election of the constituent assembly. Therefore, they need the election for restructuring the sate and transferring the state power to the new structures and establishing themselves as a major player in governance. But, why the seven party alliance is willing to go for the election? There are a few logics and among them the most important one is 'their desire' to resolve the 'Maoist problem'. Otherwise, they are perfectly happy with the parliamentary system they have now. Why they are ready to compromise? In the past when the king had captured all power, it was understandable that they tried to find out a common ground to have some sort of understanding with the Maoists. Hence, they agreed that they also will hold the tail of the holy cow, the constituent assembly. Now, the situation has changed and they have become the masters of Singh durbar. Hence, they do not need the tail of the holy cow; rather they need the precious villages under their control. Contrary to this, the Maoists, the champions of harvesting benefits from the fights within the enemy camps, also want to establish their effective governance over the towns and cities. They will not allow the seven party alliance to rule over the villages on the terms of Singh durbar. Similarly, the seven party alliance will not vacate the cities and towns for the Maoists. Hence, the towns and cities are going to be the areas of turmoil. To reach to that level, both, the Maoists and the seven party alliance have to pass through a logical course. Therefore, both of them have been constantly talking about the election of the constituent assembly, either enthusiastically or reluctantly. Now, this may or may not be a commitment, but certainly this talk in itself is part of that logical course.
Although, there is no credible basis to sustain it over a long period of time, the morale of the seven party alliance sounds high. They do not have their own army and the army which they inherited and are presiding over has been considered not loyal to them. It is true that the powerful regional and global forces are backing them. That is their only credible strength. But, that support too is conditional, particularly from the superpower. The condition is that they have to part company with the Maoists if the Maoists reject decommissioning and disarming. Until now, only one factor has not been clear and that is why India, at least publicly, is supporting the idea of partnership between the Maoists and the seven party alliance. Is there any secret understanding among the three - India, seven party alliance and Maoists? Secret understanding or no secret understanding, if and when the Maoists see no reason to partnering with the seven party alliance, they have the courage and motivation to come out of such arrangements, instantly. Alternatively, if and when the Maoist leadership succumbs to international pressure and starts decommissioning and disarming the Maoist army, the leadership will have to witness the revolt and reorganization of their own army against them. This could be the most logical scenario. The Maoist leadership understands it more than anybody else. Then, why they are parading on the roads and streets of the historic city of Kathmandu? Are they enjoying life as tourists? Are they collecting information to establish a handicraft exporting house? Are they negotiating with the spineless government representatives without any purpose? Are they under strong influence of any foreign force? Are they super ambitious crooks who are in hurry to enter inside the Singh durbar? If the answer of the last five questions is an emphatic "no", then there is a mission behind. And, the mission could not be better than either to establishing a progressive political system that could transform the Nepalese society by actively participating in the election of the constituent assembly or if it fails as a process or as an output, starting the urban guerilla war, which will ensure effective governance in the villages and also will help to establish hold over the towns and cities. If the reluctant seven party alliance succumbs to foreign pressure and creates obstacles in Maoists' participation in the election of the constituent assembly or if the Maoists conclude that there is no alternative available for them other than rejecting or accepting the pre-conditions including decommissioning and disarming, the very day, they may go back to war. In fact, the Maoist army could be placed in a number of temporary barracks and the United Nations could ensure their being inside till the election has not been over. Therefore, either there might be peace by taking the route of the constituent assembly or there could be war, particularly the urban guerilla war, if the ongoing negotiation fails. In such situation, the villages may remain peaceful, but there could be unprecedented turmoil in towns and cities. Therefore, there is urgency to understand the gravity of problems, to examine availability of options, to decide immediate course of actions and to craft strategies to ensure better prospects.
The article has been posted on www.nepalresearch.com
Spring Thunder In Nepal: glorious but inconclusive
- Govinda Neupane
Once, I was in Phalaicha village, near Chyangthapu in northern Panchthar. I saw large plots of fertile land where paddy was ready to harvest. In a mountainous region, it was something special. During discussions with the villagers, I found out that most of the plots belonged to the Khas (the ruling nationality in Nepal) families, though they were a tiny minority there.
After a few years, I saw the same phenomenon in Zimbabwe. Nearly all arable land had been captured by the white farmers. The sugarcane fields, fruit farms and maize or vegetable cultivations belonged to the Whites, whereas the black Zimbabweans had to satisfy with less fertile communal land or they had to survive in the patches of the bush.
Why the Khasas in Phalaicha and the Whites in Zimbabwe had the ownership over the most fertile land, though they were a tiny minority? Also, they had migrated much later than the indigenous people who cleared the forests, developed technologies appropriate to their time and started cultivations. This is a fundamental question. The class composition and nationality or racial dominance of a state structure, which controls power, makes all difference.
The same happened before, during and after the Spring Thunder of 2006 in Nepal. Hundreds of thousands of people, particularly from the rural areas waged relentless struggle for more than a decade. Their resolute struggle gave birth to a bigger force and that force reached to the urban centers and resulted to a massive popular movement. Also, the parliamentary parties and the urban middle class joined the movement after the royal coup of February 2005. Those were the glorious days when hundreds of thousands of people marched in the cities and towns all over Nepal and the villages sent their beloved daughters and sons to create the Spring Thunder. After the conclusion of the popular movement with partial success in April 2006, the late comers not only claimed victory but also grabbed opportunities. The urban middle class intellectuals, both who participated in the movement and who stayed away, have been celebrating victory and forwarding their wish list for the encashment of benefits. The workers, mostly from informal sectors have gone back to their work places as without work they can not survive. The poor and landless peasants or the agriculture workers who came to encircle the capital city and district HQs have gone back to their respective villages to work in the field again as an agriculture worker or as a militia or as a political activist or something else. The agitators, who had no shoes on their feet or no proper dresses to cover their bodies, were the driving force of the mass movement. But, they are no more in the picture. They are neither in the cabinet nor in the parliament nor in the august gatherings in the convention halls of the star graded hotels. A different lot is staking claim that democracy is their child. The political leaders from the parliamentary 'mainstream' have started to clean up their faces by making changes primarily directed towards adjustments within their ruling coalition, which includes the monarchy. Rather than accepting the simple fact that the people are sovereign and letting them decide through the constituent assembly what they want, they are trying to create comfortable space for themselves through parliamentary decrees. They have to concentrate on making arrangements for a period covering from the time they took over the state power to the election of the constituent assembly. Also, they have to create conducive environment for the election. But, they are behaving, as if, their parliament is immortal and they are one with the mandate to rule forever. They are already in the business of blame-game. They are blaming the Maoists for collecting donations or recruiting people in their army. They are blaming not only other parties within the ruling coalition but also the other factions of their own parties. Perhaps, negative energy is their strength and they are busy generating the same.
It is strange when they deliver lectures on parliamentary supremacy. By proclaiming ‘supremacy of the parliament’, they are intending to tame the king. In reality, they themselves saved the seat of the monarch. They are also creating environment to tame the Maoists. For this purpose, they are trying to play the role and exercise the authority of the constituent assembly through their ‘supreme’ parliament. The people on the street were demanding the establishment of a progressive democratic republic of Nepal, whereas they got the restoration of the parliament. The people fought for a long time for fundamental socio-political and economic transformation, whereas they got nothing which could substantially changes power relationships at the grassroots and above. Although, declaring Nepal a secular state is a change in positive direction, other changes are far less than the expectations of the people. Rather than going through a surgical process to remove the brain tumor, the parliamentary parties opted for simple medication. Anyway, the parliamentary political forces represent the upper class. Therefore, it is certain that the people should rise once again to address the transformational issues. Hence, another agitation to transform the society and change the power relationship has become imminent. When the people rise, they rise as a tide and break the barriers made out of any material. The parliamentary leaders should understand this simple fact. Not their ‘parliamentary supremacy’, but the people power will decide the future course of Nepal. These parliamentary leaders, the supper Gods of democracy, failed to understand or accept this simple fact.
There are two major fronts to concentrate on to make changes – the superstructure and grassroots. The supreme sacrifice of thousands of people during the decade starting 1996 was neither for replacing one lot of corrupts with another set of corrupts nor it was for providing opportunity to foreign forces to have a field-day. The same personalities, who looted the country, played with national interests and misused power to its extreme, are holding the state power today. They are a bit different in form than those actors of the royal regime but they are the same in essence in regard to the ruling culture, class and philosophical paradigm. They have already got more than what they were aspiring and clinging to it is what they will try for. Therefore, from now on, talking big and blocking the fundamental changes would be the business of these politicians of the parliamentary school. The ruling political class will talk loudly about constituent assembly and will put all energy to strengthen the restored parliament to achieve the goal of maintaining the status quo. Moreover, they will try to restore the dissolved local bodies to improve their access to local levels. Basically, maintaining the status quo that they have decreed through the restored parliament is the goal, program and policy of these 'mainstream' political forces and their role and behaviors will stay around this goal. Therefore, neither they will change the superstructure fundamentally nor the base. Although, they have curtailed the power of the monarchy to a great extent, it is foolish to believe that the patient never returns back from the ICU. Perhaps, the parliamentary leaders also know this fact. Therefore, in some extreme situation, they may opt for a republic. Still, fundamentally and pragmatically, Nepal will continue to be an upper class Khas state. The talk of restructuring the state could be a ploy to pacify the mass anger and not for really to establish cooperative federalism with national autonomy granted to the extent of right to self-determination including the right of secession, if the people of a particular autonomous region wish so. If the leaders of the seven-party alliance would be committed on restructuring the state, they could have outlined the core components of their proposal in their ‘parliamentary proclamation’. But, they didn’t do.
Now, the constituent assembly has replaced the ‘powerful’ Hindu Gods. It is strange but true that worshipping the constituent assembly has become a regular feature. The royalists, ‘mainstream’ politicians, intellectuals, civil society barons and media heavyweights all are chanting the hymns in praise of the constituent assembly. Why so? It is easier to derail the process from within. There are only a few among the above mentioned groups who may be genuinely interested to go for the real democratic exercise to establish a progressive democratic republican state order. Therefore, the so-called national consensus on holding the election of the constituent assembly may not necessarily provide synergy only for forward movement. The situation is fluid and complex and it is natural that the Maoists will maintain their army and even they may expand and strengthen their fighting capacity.
What next then? Probably, the actors of the royal regime will go on hibernation and wait for an opportune moment to bounce back. The masters of the parliamentary stream will try to establish themselves effectively. Although, there could be a honeymoon phase between the parliamentary forces and the Maoists, but that will not last long. Even if there is an interim government participated in by the Maoist that too would be a temporary arrangement. The class contradiction, incompatible ideological paradigms and fundamentally different strategic missions will not allow them to stay together for a long time. Therefore, if the election of the constituent assembly will not be organized immediately, forget about addressing the transformational issues and designing a political system by the parliamentary forces and the Maoists together. Most probably, the parliamentary forces may not behave differently in strategic sense than that what they did in the past. They will try to prolong the life of the reinstated parliament and thus, their own government. They will rule in the cities and towns for fairly a long time. The Maoists will rule the villages and remote areas directly and will rule over the cities and towns indirectly, also for fairly a long time. They will stay away from Kathmandu as that will be some sort of insurance against foreign military invasion. Hence, the absolute desire for peace shall not materialize provided that the Maoists do not degenerate or northern India does not come under effective Maoist influence, which shall enable the Maoists in Nepal to capture the central state power or the Maoists are not defeated militarily. Most likely, the common men and women who are aspiring for peace through the election of the constituent assembly will be frustrated, the merchants of peace will sell even the derailed process to build their own future and the political forces will constantly fight for supremacy till two separate governance systems will remain in practice. Unifying the governance systems will be a strategic goal for both, the Maoists and the parliamentary forces. That goal could be realized through the election of the constituent assembly, which might address the transformational politico-economic and social issues. But, this option is passing through the process of serious derailment. Some of the ministers and the ambassadors of the influential countries have already put the demand forward that the Maoist should renounce violence and lay down their arms before the election of the assembly. This demand is the key to derailment. Alternatively, the goal of unifying the governance systems could be realized by the victory of one ruling side. Therefore, the polarization between the parliamentary forces and the Maoists sounds imminent. Hence, in all probability, the people have to live in a situation of civil war till the unjust upper class Khas rule becomes history.
The article has been posted on www.blog.com.np and www.nepalresearch.com
For other articles and books, please visit: www.neupaneg.com
Once, I was in Phalaicha village, near Chyangthapu in northern Panchthar. I saw large plots of fertile land where paddy was ready to harvest. In a mountainous region, it was something special. During discussions with the villagers, I found out that most of the plots belonged to the Khas (the ruling nationality in Nepal) families, though they were a tiny minority there.
After a few years, I saw the same phenomenon in Zimbabwe. Nearly all arable land had been captured by the white farmers. The sugarcane fields, fruit farms and maize or vegetable cultivations belonged to the Whites, whereas the black Zimbabweans had to satisfy with less fertile communal land or they had to survive in the patches of the bush.
Why the Khasas in Phalaicha and the Whites in Zimbabwe had the ownership over the most fertile land, though they were a tiny minority? Also, they had migrated much later than the indigenous people who cleared the forests, developed technologies appropriate to their time and started cultivations. This is a fundamental question. The class composition and nationality or racial dominance of a state structure, which controls power, makes all difference.
The same happened before, during and after the Spring Thunder of 2006 in Nepal. Hundreds of thousands of people, particularly from the rural areas waged relentless struggle for more than a decade. Their resolute struggle gave birth to a bigger force and that force reached to the urban centers and resulted to a massive popular movement. Also, the parliamentary parties and the urban middle class joined the movement after the royal coup of February 2005. Those were the glorious days when hundreds of thousands of people marched in the cities and towns all over Nepal and the villages sent their beloved daughters and sons to create the Spring Thunder. After the conclusion of the popular movement with partial success in April 2006, the late comers not only claimed victory but also grabbed opportunities. The urban middle class intellectuals, both who participated in the movement and who stayed away, have been celebrating victory and forwarding their wish list for the encashment of benefits. The workers, mostly from informal sectors have gone back to their work places as without work they can not survive. The poor and landless peasants or the agriculture workers who came to encircle the capital city and district HQs have gone back to their respective villages to work in the field again as an agriculture worker or as a militia or as a political activist or something else. The agitators, who had no shoes on their feet or no proper dresses to cover their bodies, were the driving force of the mass movement. But, they are no more in the picture. They are neither in the cabinet nor in the parliament nor in the august gatherings in the convention halls of the star graded hotels. A different lot is staking claim that democracy is their child. The political leaders from the parliamentary 'mainstream' have started to clean up their faces by making changes primarily directed towards adjustments within their ruling coalition, which includes the monarchy. Rather than accepting the simple fact that the people are sovereign and letting them decide through the constituent assembly what they want, they are trying to create comfortable space for themselves through parliamentary decrees. They have to concentrate on making arrangements for a period covering from the time they took over the state power to the election of the constituent assembly. Also, they have to create conducive environment for the election. But, they are behaving, as if, their parliament is immortal and they are one with the mandate to rule forever. They are already in the business of blame-game. They are blaming the Maoists for collecting donations or recruiting people in their army. They are blaming not only other parties within the ruling coalition but also the other factions of their own parties. Perhaps, negative energy is their strength and they are busy generating the same.
It is strange when they deliver lectures on parliamentary supremacy. By proclaiming ‘supremacy of the parliament’, they are intending to tame the king. In reality, they themselves saved the seat of the monarch. They are also creating environment to tame the Maoists. For this purpose, they are trying to play the role and exercise the authority of the constituent assembly through their ‘supreme’ parliament. The people on the street were demanding the establishment of a progressive democratic republic of Nepal, whereas they got the restoration of the parliament. The people fought for a long time for fundamental socio-political and economic transformation, whereas they got nothing which could substantially changes power relationships at the grassroots and above. Although, declaring Nepal a secular state is a change in positive direction, other changes are far less than the expectations of the people. Rather than going through a surgical process to remove the brain tumor, the parliamentary parties opted for simple medication. Anyway, the parliamentary political forces represent the upper class. Therefore, it is certain that the people should rise once again to address the transformational issues. Hence, another agitation to transform the society and change the power relationship has become imminent. When the people rise, they rise as a tide and break the barriers made out of any material. The parliamentary leaders should understand this simple fact. Not their ‘parliamentary supremacy’, but the people power will decide the future course of Nepal. These parliamentary leaders, the supper Gods of democracy, failed to understand or accept this simple fact.
There are two major fronts to concentrate on to make changes – the superstructure and grassroots. The supreme sacrifice of thousands of people during the decade starting 1996 was neither for replacing one lot of corrupts with another set of corrupts nor it was for providing opportunity to foreign forces to have a field-day. The same personalities, who looted the country, played with national interests and misused power to its extreme, are holding the state power today. They are a bit different in form than those actors of the royal regime but they are the same in essence in regard to the ruling culture, class and philosophical paradigm. They have already got more than what they were aspiring and clinging to it is what they will try for. Therefore, from now on, talking big and blocking the fundamental changes would be the business of these politicians of the parliamentary school. The ruling political class will talk loudly about constituent assembly and will put all energy to strengthen the restored parliament to achieve the goal of maintaining the status quo. Moreover, they will try to restore the dissolved local bodies to improve their access to local levels. Basically, maintaining the status quo that they have decreed through the restored parliament is the goal, program and policy of these 'mainstream' political forces and their role and behaviors will stay around this goal. Therefore, neither they will change the superstructure fundamentally nor the base. Although, they have curtailed the power of the monarchy to a great extent, it is foolish to believe that the patient never returns back from the ICU. Perhaps, the parliamentary leaders also know this fact. Therefore, in some extreme situation, they may opt for a republic. Still, fundamentally and pragmatically, Nepal will continue to be an upper class Khas state. The talk of restructuring the state could be a ploy to pacify the mass anger and not for really to establish cooperative federalism with national autonomy granted to the extent of right to self-determination including the right of secession, if the people of a particular autonomous region wish so. If the leaders of the seven-party alliance would be committed on restructuring the state, they could have outlined the core components of their proposal in their ‘parliamentary proclamation’. But, they didn’t do.
Now, the constituent assembly has replaced the ‘powerful’ Hindu Gods. It is strange but true that worshipping the constituent assembly has become a regular feature. The royalists, ‘mainstream’ politicians, intellectuals, civil society barons and media heavyweights all are chanting the hymns in praise of the constituent assembly. Why so? It is easier to derail the process from within. There are only a few among the above mentioned groups who may be genuinely interested to go for the real democratic exercise to establish a progressive democratic republican state order. Therefore, the so-called national consensus on holding the election of the constituent assembly may not necessarily provide synergy only for forward movement. The situation is fluid and complex and it is natural that the Maoists will maintain their army and even they may expand and strengthen their fighting capacity.
What next then? Probably, the actors of the royal regime will go on hibernation and wait for an opportune moment to bounce back. The masters of the parliamentary stream will try to establish themselves effectively. Although, there could be a honeymoon phase between the parliamentary forces and the Maoists, but that will not last long. Even if there is an interim government participated in by the Maoist that too would be a temporary arrangement. The class contradiction, incompatible ideological paradigms and fundamentally different strategic missions will not allow them to stay together for a long time. Therefore, if the election of the constituent assembly will not be organized immediately, forget about addressing the transformational issues and designing a political system by the parliamentary forces and the Maoists together. Most probably, the parliamentary forces may not behave differently in strategic sense than that what they did in the past. They will try to prolong the life of the reinstated parliament and thus, their own government. They will rule in the cities and towns for fairly a long time. The Maoists will rule the villages and remote areas directly and will rule over the cities and towns indirectly, also for fairly a long time. They will stay away from Kathmandu as that will be some sort of insurance against foreign military invasion. Hence, the absolute desire for peace shall not materialize provided that the Maoists do not degenerate or northern India does not come under effective Maoist influence, which shall enable the Maoists in Nepal to capture the central state power or the Maoists are not defeated militarily. Most likely, the common men and women who are aspiring for peace through the election of the constituent assembly will be frustrated, the merchants of peace will sell even the derailed process to build their own future and the political forces will constantly fight for supremacy till two separate governance systems will remain in practice. Unifying the governance systems will be a strategic goal for both, the Maoists and the parliamentary forces. That goal could be realized through the election of the constituent assembly, which might address the transformational politico-economic and social issues. But, this option is passing through the process of serious derailment. Some of the ministers and the ambassadors of the influential countries have already put the demand forward that the Maoist should renounce violence and lay down their arms before the election of the assembly. This demand is the key to derailment. Alternatively, the goal of unifying the governance systems could be realized by the victory of one ruling side. Therefore, the polarization between the parliamentary forces and the Maoists sounds imminent. Hence, in all probability, the people have to live in a situation of civil war till the unjust upper class Khas rule becomes history.
The article has been posted on www.blog.com.np and www.nepalresearch.com
For other articles and books, please visit: www.neupaneg.com
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