The Philippine Experience: a few lessons for the Nepalese Communists

Govinda Neupane

In the Philippines, 1986 was very much an eventful year. I was in Manila in the month of October and got the opportunity to participate in an international solidarity conference organized by the Philippine Peasant Organization (KMP). In Tai-Tai Rizal, the foreign delegates and the guests had been experiencing the thrill not only because they were expressing their solidarity with the Philippine peasants but also knowing that they were surrounded by the New People's Army (NPA) plain-cloths. Jose Maria Sison, the founding Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, had addressed the conference. He was just released a few months back from detention. Comrade Barnaby (I might have wrongly spelt his name) was another notable figure. He was the former commander-in-chief of the NPA and had been recently released from detention. I also met Comrade Jeremy. He was a former politburo member of the Communist Party and had come out of the prison after the overthrow of Marcos regime. He was, at that time, functioning as the General Secretary of the Partido ng Bayan (People's Party). Some Filipino friends told me that the party was an over-ground outfit of the Communist Party. There was Senator Tanada, the Grand Old Man who was leading the Bayan (People's) movement at the age of 88. I met him briefly. Dr. Devbrat of the Indian Workers Federation affiliated to the Communist Party of India (ML-Santosh Rana group) and the popular Filipino singer Jess Santiago together with some unknown underground Filipino communist operatives helped me to avail the wonderful opportunities. I was spellbound knowing comrade Sison's in-depth knowledge of the movements in Nepal. He was even aware of the major events of that time in our country.

During the period of my stay, I interacted with several ordinary people on the street. The wife of my good friend Jess had stopped paying back the bank loan concluding that within a few months, the Communists will take over the state power and she will escape from that burden. Her expectation was that the Communists will out-right cancel all loans. She was not alone. Several people in metro Manila were too eager to welcome the NPA. Some of them shared with me that the rural folks were fortunate than the urbanites as in rural areas the NPA had liberated the masses already.

In the October 18th solidarity procession, nearly half a million people marched up to the road linking to Malakanang palace (Presidential residence). The police blocked the road with tons of barbed wire. The participants from rural Philippines were more vocal in opposing the Aquino government as her family had thousands of hectors of hacienda farms. Aquino, her brother and their families were considered as oppressors. Also, the Marcos' bad boy Enrile (former defense minister) was the minister in Aquino government. This was another irritant for the urban masses. They hated him too much. The common men and women on the street were excited, optimistic and confident. I, a foreigner with a limited information base, was also emotionally with them.

Comrade Sison was hopeful. He was telling that something might happen in the near future. The favorable environment created by the 'People Power' movement had softened the thinking and practice of several leaders. Comrade Jeremy was also optimistic, though not as much as Comrade Sison. Former Commander-in-chief of the NPA, comrade Barnaby was a lone voice who shared his opposition to the political line of putting too much emphasis on mass movements and intermingling with bourgeoisie forces including Senator Tanada's Bayan movement.

The Grand Old Man of the Philippine movement, Senator Tanada, is no more. The Partido ng Bayan is either not functioning or not effective. The Bayan movement also degenerated to spontaneous level. Nobody knows outside NPA and the communist party rank, what was the number of NPA fighters during its heyday. The people were speculating as their number around 35000. The number was drastically reduced during 90s. After so many meetings with bourgeoisie political forces, Sison himself had to go to the Netherlands. Now, the Philippine communists have the bitter experience to analyze and to learn lessons from. They have to rejuvenate their energy, organization and glory once again.

There could be several factors for the set back the Philippine communists had to suffer from. Certainly among them, perhaps, the most critical ones are the softening of their political stand and neglecting establishing and strengthening their base areas. And, not so insignificant role had been played by the 'friendly bourgeoisie forces' including the innocent Senator Tanada in this process.

If some one draws a parallel between the Philippines of the mid 1980's and today's Nepal, he or she will find out that the level of optimism among the people is similar and the political environment is also similar with specific differences created by the local conditions. And, if the impact would be similar, then that would be a great leap backward for the communist movement.

Now, in Nepal, many new Tanadas are stepping in, new Bayan movement is taking shape and new situation has emerged. Most of the Nepali Tanadas, both individual politicians and parties, have been seen in their third political incarnation. They were baby-Tanadas up to 1990. Since 1990, they turned to be a mini-Marcos together with his concert - the iron butterfly with several pairs of shoes made out of gold. They stayed like him for about a dozen of years. Now, they have turned to take the path of agitation. They may play important role by accepting and staying firm on the demand of the constituent assembly. Also, it would be childish to believe that they may not start playing on the hands of the foreign forces and the forces of the reaction inside. Anyway, they represent not the peasants and workers but the upper classes.

Now, the Maoists are in a situation of great dilemma. If they will soften their political stand, they may have the same future as the Philippine communist had seen in 90s. If they choose to stay away from the 'friendly bourgeoisie political forces', the direct foreign interference is nearly impossible to prevent. On the other side, if they stay positive to foreign intermingling and local bourgeoisie hobnobbing, they may have the same future as that of CPN-UML and if they oppose them, they may have to face a combined attack of the unified forces of internal and external reaction. How they will successfully bailout themselves from the complex situation they themselves initiated for? Many people talk about negotiation and a negotiated settlement of the conflict. Is that attainable? The answer is too difficult seeing the nature of the conflict. It has the class factor at its core. The prevailing social and economic contradictions are the causes of the political confrontation. Hence, the social and economic contradictions between antagonistic classes are the root causes of the political conflict. Therefore, without addressing the causes of the socio-economic and political contradictions; the conflict could not be resolved.

The 'negotiation exercises' would just prolong the resolution or help to degenerate a political force on the long run or help to rearrange combat capacities of the warring parties by giving some breather to reconnect the supply lines, training their cadres or army men and women and conducting political propaganda. Therefore, 'negotiation for peace' is just an abstract phrase. Similarly, negotiation for power sharing shall have no impact on strategic issues. Any serious attempt to artificially restore peace without addressing the transformational issues is unsustainable and any power sharing arrangement without participation and endorsement of the people through the expression of their General Will is undemocratic. In this context, if the Maoists will soften their political stand due to the association with the indigenous Tanadas, they may initiate their weakening process themselves. At the same time, continuing the association with them could be beneficial for the societal transformation till the 'friendly bourgeoisie political forces' agree and stay firm on the demand of the election of the constituent assembly.

As a progressive political force, it would be better if the Maoists learn from the Philippine experience. Hence, they should be firm on their political stand (for example, constituent assembly and progressive democratic republic of Nepal), should stay away from foreign influence, particularly of the big powers (both, regional and global) and should initiate democratic innovations. Hence, they have to work in collaboration with the people to design the structure and values of the governance system that promotes constitutionally mandated nature of state, which overtly favors working classes, disadvantaged nationalities, sections and groups, and minorities. Moreover, the state system must be compatible to pluralism, federalism, autonomy for nationalities, competitive democracy, social justice and wealth creation as well as equitable distribution. Thus, the political structure, state values and policy instruments should ensure social transformation and national prosperity. The experiments could be carried out in the geographical pockets of their influence by establishing and strengthening the base areas. They should refrain from being over confident and should stay away from any loss making hobnobbing particularly with the 'friendly bourgeoisie forces'. They should certainly promote and protect the social, economic and political rights of the working classes, minorities and socially excluded sections of the society. Otherwise, they will have no different future than that of the Philippine Communists of the mid-80s or than that of our own high-flying club of bourgeoisie comrades – the UML. Hopefully, the Maoists will examine all available options and course of actions critically, pragmatically and strategically.

(Note: The article was written in March 27, 2006 before the popular movement or the Spring Thunder in Nepal. I just like to add here that the Maoists should be more creative and imaginative but they should avoid swinging to right or 'left' directions. Tactically, utilizing the opportunities created by the movement and strategically, resolutely staying on their main course is what, probably, the working class people not only in Nepal but also all over the world expect from them.)
The artical has been posted on www.nepalresearch.com