NEPAL: SYNDICALISM, ELECTION PHANTOM AND THE LISTLESS PEOPLE

Posted by The Himalayan Voice:

[Issue-wise also, federalism will emerge as the main agenda once again. This will create problem for the Khas-Aryans dominated syndicate. The genuine federalist forces will bring the ethnic or indigenous nationality dimension to the forefront of the debate. The issue of identity, once again, will bring out thousands of people to the streets. The opponents also will raise their voices. The syndicate has no intention settling the issue democratically. Therefore, the syndicate is neither interested nor ready to hold any elections.]

By Govinda Neupane

In its interesting but not so cherished recent history, Nepal has been continuously changing its seating places between fire and frying pan. Rana aristocracy was replaced by King's indirect (1950-1959) and direct (1960-1989) dictatorial regimes. From 1990 to 2002, the amateurish or in other way opportunist amalgamation of parliamentary forces promoted a notorious political culture that included elitist anarchy, lawlessness, corruption and never ending lust for power. 

When these parliamentary forces turned into villains overtly, the king and his forces 'dethroned' them and snatched power. Nepal, once again was under the firm grip of the resurgent dictatorial monarchy (2002-2006). The king, who was already under the scanner for his notorious activities, did more damage to Nepal's standing and national interests also. People revolted against him. As the result, the infamous parliamentary forces in company with the Maoists got the throne back. As usual, they did everything wrong – elitist anarchy, corruption, loot, promotion of power-hungry culture, lawlessness and etc. They staged several politically vulgar dramas including the proposal of promulgating a new constitution through elected constituent assembly (CA). Once, they held elections, formed assembly, spent several billions of rupees and finally destroyed everything by disbanding the CA without producing a new constitution.

Once again, people are asked to line up to cast their votes in November this year for a new CA. For this purpose the ruling elite, the four party syndicate (an illegal de facto government) has formed an Election Council (government without any right to make executive decisions independently). The syndicate has put in place the Election Commission by employing its nominees on shared basis. The Election Commission has registered the voters by now. On surface, it seems that the syndicate and its offspring, the Council of Ministers and Commission are busy to organize the CA election on time. These are visible elephant tusks but the chewing teeth are deep inside invisible.

Why would the syndicate be so genuinely interested in organizing an election? There are no valid reasons. All the leaders of the constituents of the syndicate are enjoying royal status, privileges and perks without being accountable to anyone. They have power to make any governmental decisions using their pawns and proxies.  At their whim, they can use air ambulances to lift them up to Delhi and Singapore or could make 'health' trips to US or Singapore or Japan on state expenses. They could appoint any hooligan to any position of power (e.g. Man Singh). In this way, they are not interested to stage the election on the basis of individual preferences.

As a collective entity, the syndicate has four constituent integral parts. Among them, the Nepali Congress is a loose network of liberal interests. They neither know about their philosophy nor their organizational strengths nor even their standing among parties. They have no idea what happens if the elections take place. Hence, neither they are ready nor they want taking any risks. The UML is a clever fox. It has begun talking loud and beautiful. It projects itself as the Messiah of people and nation as well. More recently, taking pieces of working notes from dustbins and  reassembling them, it has started to make loud claim that it will win 106 out of 240 seats (directly elected) in the new CA. It is happy to say that Nepali Congress will win 86 and Unified Maoists 28. This tall claim alone tells a lot about its seriousness on the issue of election.  The Unified Maoist party has been vertically divided into two and its house is not in order. Certainly, they know that there may not be miracle everyday in their favor and this time, it may happen against them. The split, factionalism of unprecedented nature and overt rage of people against them, and particularly against its top brass have heralded them a message to go to the elections as late as possible, if it is a must and never organize election, if it is a choice. The Madhesi forces under the loose network called Madhesi Morcha neither commands respect among Madhesi people nor it may enjoy the same status, privilege and perks as it does enjoy today. Hence, they are interested in clinging to power rather than facing the angry electorate.

Issue-wise also, federalism will emerge as the main agenda once again. This will create problem for the Khas-Aryans dominated syndicate. The genuine federalist forces will bring the ethnic or indigenous nationality dimension to the forefront of the debate. The issue of identity, once again, will bring out thousands of people to the streets. The opponents also will raise their voices. The syndicate has no intention settling the issue democratically. Therefore, the syndicate is neither interested nor ready to hold any elections in the country.

The bureaucrats, enjoying the prestige of the positions of ministers are willing to prolong their terms as much longer as possible. These are warm winter sunny days - their heydays in life. The Almighty has blessed them with this golden opportunity and they will try with every possible means to prolong the term period to remain blessed. Hence, they would be even happier, when the date gets changed and extended every six months or so.

The President and his deputy will also gain from the extension of election dates as they would continue enjoying 'royal treatments' happily till replacements become available. And, the replacements will only be there, when the constitution is ready and elections are held for the positions of the President and his deputy.

The opposition lead by Maoist Party has seen this as an opportunity to expand their mass as well as organizational base. If the syndicate prolongs the election date, the Maoists may gain more as the ruling syndicate will be forced out of the rural areas due to their unpopularity and anger of the people. It appears that the Maoist Party has done simple arithmetic already. Their math is that when the forces of the syndicate vanish, the Maoists will automatically replace them. And, to some extent that has been happening there.

Now, many observers outside Kathmandu share their assessments and opinions that the (Dash) Maoist Party or popularly known also as the 'Baidhya Party' has emerged stronger in many rural clusters. The Maoist party and their mathematical indicators have emboldened them to beat the drum against elections. Whereas both the newly formed Federal Democratic Party and 'Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum, Nepal' appear undecided. They are evaluating the cost and benefit. All these acts and actions are providing fodder to the syndicate to unroll apprehensions against organizing the elections.

The great neighbors – India and China are watching with some interests of their own. While the fluid political situation prolongs in Nepal, India believes that it could harvest more benefits. China is in a weaker position there. Tibet is its core component in diplomacy with Nepal. Hence, India has sided with or even gave birth to the syndicate with a motive of prolonging political fluidity in the tiny Himalayan nation. On the other hand, China seems to have pushed the oppositions: both the Maoists and royalists to open dialogue. It again seems that China is doing so and so with the syndicate and doing some business with Baidhya also. Hence, both India and China are not that excited about Nepal having elections anytime soon.

The European Communities and the international NGOs are getting a fertile land to promote or rather impose their values, beliefs and culture over Nepali society through their 'foster children' called NGOs. They are happy to play in this muddy water. The UN and its system agencies may be happy that they have a project area where their bureaucrats could stay in a paradise on earth without any hardship or risks. Probably, this is one of the most preferred destinations for the UN bureaucrats to have a duty station. For the Americans, Nepal is, perhaps, a tiny particle. Hence, they have outsourced the task of taking care of their interests in Nepal to India, Europe, INGOs and UN. In this way, the international players may not have any wishes that help settle the political dust down here.

And, who wants to have elections? They may be Nepali people, who are the most frustrated, angered and powerless lot now. Who cares them? Hence, for now, I think, the proposed election is just a phantom or mirage - an optical illusion caused by atmospheric conditions. Why all these dramas then? The illusion has been created just to camouflage the ill intents of the beneficiaries, particularly that of the syndicate. Till the syndicate survives, there is little chance of new elections taking place in the country. Therefore, dissolution of the syndicate effectively and introduction of provisions that provide a level-playing field may be the pre-conditions for the election.

* The author is one of the contributors to The Himalayan Voice. He is an independent political thinker of Nepal and whose Nepalko Jatiy Prashn (Ethnic Issues of Nepal - 2000) has already become one of the bestsellers in the country. He also supports the idea of identity of the people within a federalism system in Nepal.

http://thehimalayanvoice.blogspot.com/2013/07/nepal-syndicalism-election-phantom-and.html 

I have re-posted the article above. Thank You The Himalayan Voice!

Nepal Now: A Cursory Look on Major Areas of Achievements and Failures

Nepal Now: A Cursory Look on Major Areas of Achievements and Failures

Govinda Neupane

Areas of Achievements

Nepal has done fairly well in areas of mass communication. We have highest number of FM radio stations in South Asia, many TV channels, large percentage of people have telephone access, particularly the spread of mobile phones. Internet has been gaining popularity each day.

Banking is another sector where Nepal has built a network of financial institutions and services capable of meeting needs of a large percentage of people. The informal network of remit centers and its service of remittance handling have created a cobweb of future banking activities, particularly that of micro-transactions. The major banks including in private sector are run professionally and profitably.

The education infrastructure built by the private sector has been catering fairly quality education, though it is too expensive for ordinary people. However, the intakes of children in these institutions have made space available for children of low income families in the government-run education institutions. Rather than launching movement for improvement of education quality in government schools and for affordable fee structure in private schools, our political parties and their sister organizations are busy over-politicizing teachers and students in government schools and extracting donations from and threatening the private schools to close down.

Similarly, mushrooming of health service delivery institutions including medical colleges, public health teaching institutions, nursing colleges, private hospitals, nursing homes, polyclinics and clinics have created fairly well infrastructure for health services. The government institutions are also a bit functioning in this sector compared to education sector, may be due to public pressures. In any case, the health sector has been functioning well baring remote areas, though there is not much vibrancy.

The participation of Nepali migrant workers in the labor market of different countries, particularly the Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea has opened a major source of foreign earning in the form of remittance. The remittance income has been fueling the financial viability of different activities in Nepal mostly in education, health and real estate. The World Bank has estimated that Nepal receives more than 23% of its GDP from remittance. There are thousands of sad stories of the hardship the workers face each day. Hence, the ethical dimension and sustainability of such source of income is always subject of fierce debate. Just limiting to financial part, it has been insulating Nepal from being a failed state. The fighting for survival in harsh physical and social condition but still hard working Nepali migrant workers deserve salute from us in Nepal.

Transport is another area where we have done fairly well. Roads are our gems that we have created. Nearly all District Headquarters are connected by the road network. Though, the quality of roads is quite sub-standard in a large majority of roadways, at least, there has been the first break through. The airports, private sector airlines, bus and truck services all are making lives of people connected and are creating thousands of market places where millions of people are employed in informal sectors or are self-employed.

Nepal could compete with many countries who are welcoming large number of tourists. Our hospitality services industry, which includes hotels, restaurants, travel and tour agencies, international connectivity and so on are functioning well.

Areas Where We Lag Behind

The agricultural sector is still the major employment generator. However, it has neither been made commercially viable employment and productivity option nor has it been modernized. Moreover, the labor flight from agriculture to foreign destinations and urban centers has made this important sector an orphan. We are still continuing the practices of subsistence agriculture. We should learn to switch to cash crops and commercial farming. Our hills and mountains could function as diamond mines in the form of horticulture and floriculture farms and also as major source of timber and other forest produces. But, we are happy growing the economically not-so-viable paddy and corn. The southern plains could really be our bread basket provided we adopted new agriculture technologies. In this sector, we are far behind.

Similarly, we have not been able to harness water resources available in abundance. The country of vast hydro-power potentials has been suffering from power cuts of several hours everyday. We are hungry to get electricity to consume whereas we should be selling electricity to China through northern grid and to India through southern grid. Here, we have failed miserably.

Manufacturing is an area where we have done extremely poorly. Inadequate infrastructure, power outage and labor unrest have limited its potentials. Competing with the giant neighbors, China and India is also a tall order. Here, we should be selective. Going for anything and many things may lead us to nowhere. Success here depends upon our ability in being correctly selective.

Priorities and Focus Areas

Now, it has become clear that our future depends on how we could educate our people. When we talk about education it refers to overall development of human capacities of our people. Hence, quality education should be our number ONE priority.

To provide enabling environment so that people get better education and also contribute in areas of production and services, there must be a well functioning and quality health delivery infrastructure and allied support services.

Wealth creation is another key area. This wealth creation should include common properties such as physical and social infrastructures and means and methods for economic prosperity. By now, it has become clear that commercial farming including horticulture, floriculture, herbs cultivation, animal farms and other cash generating produces should get attention.

Multipurpose utilization of water resources including generating electricity and locally consuming for households, industries and transport systems and also exporting it, providing irrigation facilities, bottling water and exporting etc is what we should go for. This could be the backbone of our economy.

Another focus should be on tourism including hospitality business. Tourism has become already a milking cow for us. Lumbini, Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest) and many other majestic mountain peaks, cultural and architectural wonders of the glorious valley of Kathmandu and the natural panorama and scenic beauties spread all over Nepal are the treasures, which only we have in the entire world. These treasures make us special.

Many other small things we can do with difference such as handicrafts, IT services, transit trade between India and China, etc.

We could and should make better and brighter future. And, for this aim, we should clear the political mess that we are in today. Let's dare to clear the mess and let's march forward to build a prosperous Nepal, where well educated, healthy and enterprising Nepali people may live happily.

June 07, 2013

New Nepal Not Yet: A Shattered Dream or Just a Stalled Process?

-          Govinda Neupane

After the historic April Mass Movement of 2006, it was expected that there would be a New Nepal, where prosperity would flood, civilized society would develop fast and all social ills would disappear. The egalitarian, shinning and prosperous future Nepal was called as New Nepal. However, the emerging reality not only challenged the foundation of this imagination; the Nepali state, first time in its modern history, appeared reaching to a danger of collapse.

There are five critical factors, which contributed to this sorry state of affairs.

1. Degeneration of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) into a new Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) party
2. Formation of a syndicate and spread of all-round anarchy
3. The defacto rule of Indian ambassador stationed at Lainchour
4. Sold out 'civil society', greed-centered intellectuals and  "ready- to- be auctioned" professionals
5. Making politics a dirty business of profit without investing a penny

Let's examine the factors mentioned above one by one.

1. The Maoists started the protracted war with a goal of establishing a society that is free from exploitation, subjugation and domination.  After a gallant take off and splendid high altitude flying, the Maoists made emergency landing without any compelling reason. They turned to be 'Unified Maoists' and amended their ideology, politics and practice. Now, they transformed as representatives of the elites, creamy layer and "Sukila-Mukilas" (the high class educated sections). They melted down, changed their revolutionary uniform and formed a different shape, which was similar to that of the UML. In essence, they became new incarnation of the old UML and did exactly the same what UML had done during late 1980s and early 1990s. This process of adjustment of the 'Unified Maoists' passed through a long course of dramas and acting. They tested the joy of romancing with wealth and also they discovered easy way of its collection. Hence, servitude, anarchy and corruption were glorified and practiced as never before. These acts encompassed political, economic and social decision makings and unlawful financial transactions. The newly formed Communist Party of Nepal –Maoist Secretary Netra Bikram Chanda rightly questioned the rational and relationship between assessing value of martyrdom of so many thousands people and a few leaders becoming billionaires by amassing wealth in no time. He asked this question addressing a gathering in March 17, 2013 in Kathmandu. This is a representative question of thousands of other questions about promises made for societal transformation, human values, equality and equity and social justice. However, simply unimaginable anarchy was delivered in reality. The changed color, content and course of the former Maoist leadership influenced  by the old state practices, contributed significantly to degenerating values, attitudes, norms and goals of the people in general and the 'Unified Maoists' cadres in particular. Hence, this factor played a major role in the process of destruction of the dream of a New Nepal.
2. The 'Unified Maoists' developed the modus operandi that brought key players of the status quo together and formed a syndicate. In this syndicate, the spineless leadership of Nepali Congress, UML and Madhesi Front collaborated with the 'Unified Maoists'.  And, they shared the loot together. Although, they have different names, documents and style of lecturing but they are one when they get opportunity to grab privileges, perks, power, positions and opportunities. This way, Nepal became a paradise for the anarchic political elites. Finally, they established an elitist oligarchy instead of attaining the goal of a new and shinning Nepal.
3. The India factor played critical role in this process that contributed to shattering the dream of a New Nepal. Governed by its legitimate and illegitimate national interests, particularly the desire to control over Nepal's water resources (high dams, flood control, hydropower, irrigation), surveillance (airport security, passport control, etc.), and establishing a client regime loyal to its command (creation of a new Bhutan); India did everything to prolong the transition and, in the process, it made Nepal as weak as possible. The political leadership in Delhi delegated the power to rule and ruin Nepal to its ambassador stationed at Lainchour in Kathmandu. The western powers helped India and 'Unified Maoists' as they thought that this could be best way to check the influence and expansion of communism, particularly in South Asia and generally all over the world. These western powers were ecstatic when the 'Unified Maoists' disintegrated, demobilized and de-revolutionized the Maoist army.
4. The Indian interference in Nepal was political and direct, whereas the interference from the western powers was more covert and indirect. India used its bureaucracy and political parties to dictate terms and to influence governance in Nepal. However, the western powers used their ambassadors in a sober-looking ways when there is utmost need. Otherwise, they used the 'holy cow', the so-called civil society. Generally, the syndicate and its participating parties, leaders and collaborators in the bureaucracy made the loot of governmental resources, whereas the 'civil society' chieftains and their collaborators primarily grabbed bilateral, multilateral and non-governmental resources. In this way, many dollar-hungry 'civil society' chieftains, greed-guided intellectuals and "ready-to-be-auctioned" professionals contributed immensely in the process of shattering the dream of a New Nepal.
5. The impact of making politics an industry, which could be profitably run without investing a single penny and the process of mass politicization, became infectious. Even the government employees started becoming flag bearers and card-holding slogan mongers of different parties. Politics became an instrument that empowers any thug or dacoit or robber or murderer. The politicians at leadership positions of nearly all parties became merchants of all sorts of illegal transactions, protector of dons and masters of deceit. Hence, politics got a bad name and positive political change in Nepal became nearly unattainable.

The factors discussed above created an environment where frustration, helplessness and surrender became the ruling thought processes of people. In this way, Nepali people, brave and wise, started to believe themselves as powerless. This is the most damaging impact of the acts and actions of the ruling elitist oligarchy. Their syndicated politics, corrupt practices and never ending lies made the situation worst. Many 'civil society' chieftains and their associates added fuel to this fire of anarchy. Some intellectuals and professional saw opportunity to fish in this flood. Hence, the situation got messy, completely messy.

Now, the situation demands concrete, decisive, brave and thoughtful departure from this anarchy. A few political forces, social organizations and popular movements are still available. They could start, strengthen and ensure effectively the process of detachment from this messy and anarchic situation and could take the nation and people to a glorious phase in our history.

There are four types of forces, which could play vital positive roles in this process of turn around. These forces include but not limited to the forces mentioned below.

1) Revolutionary forces like CPN – M.

2) Federalist forces like Sanghiya Samajbadi Party.

3) Nationalist forces like Rastriya Jana Morcha. Even, the nationalists within former Pancha's parties could play positive role in strengthening national unity.

4) Social forces like Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities.

If these four types of forces unitedly or otherwise but resolutely organize mass movements, popular rebellion or resistance movements; they could throw away the ongoing anarchy, injustices and deceits imposed by the elitist oligarchic syndicate. The election of the Constituent Assembly declared by the syndicate could be utilized to further the cause of the transformational course, but the election alone will neither make the nation strong nor empowers thepeople. The unified movement alone could free Nepal from foreign dictates, covert rule and other adventures. Now, probably, this is only course available to restart the stalled transformational process, which could really lead us to attain the goal of a New Nepal, a shinning Nepal.

Nepal on Reverse Gear Ephemerally

Govinda Neupane

The recent developments have derailed several progressive political, social and economic processes, which could have played significant roles in shaping the nation's future. The most critical processes included social inclusion, state restructuring, building local democracy and strengthening economic capacities. 

Social Inclusion

The important issue here is to develop common understanding about the groups, sections and nationalities that are excluded and marginalized. Since the mass movement of April 2006, the process of identification of such groups had been accelerated. During the last days of the dissolved Constituent Assembly, the discussion had picked up. However, a planned or unplanned Khas-led conspiracy that resulted to the demise of the Constituent Assembly without drafting a new constitution aborted this hugely important process that had been in full swing. The Khas leaders particularly who were running the government succeeded in sidelining one of the most critical issue of inclusion, which is multiculturalism. Together with multiculturalism, they derailed other attempts that were basically addressing the issues of social justice in relation to gender, marginalized sections including the status of Dalits. These issues could have very well addressed by accelerating the process of social inclusion. But that did not move that way.
State Restricting

Federalism certainly will function as an accommodative model of governance. It could provide the framework to decentralize power and could make the grassroots level empowered. The unitary Khas-led polity that was introduced during the early years of Nepal's emergence as a unified nation got serious challenge from the supporters and advocates of federalism. The Khas elites, who were either overtly favouring unitary polity or covertly helping such idea brought the issue of differing state modules and started quarrelling on numbers of states to be carved out rather than going for devolving power to lower structurEs of state functions. The Unified Maoists were at the centre stage from where thick confusion ruled out the idea, processes and actions and made the issue of vital importance redundant.

Building Local Democracy

The local level institutions including Village Development Committees (VDCs) and municipalities bear such sign boards but neither they are VDCs nor municipalities. They are simple extensions of the occupiers of the seat of power at Kathmandu. They are being run by bureaucrats for years. Rather than making such grassroots level institutions responsive to people's needs and forming them through people's participation by organizing local elections, the big parties used them as instruments to collaborate and share the booty. Instead of building local democracy, the politicians at the helm made local democracy a joke.

Strengthening Economic Capacities

Nepal has become virtually a labor supplier. The highly educated professionals are running out of the country as opportunities are shrinking here. The unskilled or semi-skilled labourers are also going out in thousands in number every year. Remittance has become the life-support-system of Nepalese economy. The industries have been closing down due to no power supply, never ending labour unrest and sky-high rate and range of corruption. Talking loud of water resource and making it a tool to hang in power by pleasing the benefactors has been practised. In the name of expanding roads and beautifying cities and towns, billions of Rupees have gone out of government coffer whereas people in remote and rural areas are dying due to no availability of Paracitamol or due to lack of purchasing power of the people of the most economically weaker sections. This way, the hope of strengthening economic capacities has been dashed out.

Why All This Happened?

It is one of the most difficult questions to answer. Till a few years ago, I had been tirelessly sharing with friends that a leader like Baburam Bhattarai, a party like Maoist and a country like Nepal when come together, there could be magic. The synergy would be unthinkable. Nepal would be free of corruption, the tempo of national development would be unparallel and justice would prevail everywhere. In justice, I used to include the issue of social inclusion through mainstreaming marginalized sections and incorporating multiculturalism and federalism. Now, all three are together but the country is marching to opposite direction using all the power of a reverse gear. Is this Bhattarai's personal failure? Is this the failure of the Unified Maoist Party? Is this the failure of Nepal as a nation as we failed to produce better leaders and better parties? In retrospection, I realized that I underestimated the influence of governing social and political values on an individual or on a party. When time came, not the external hero but the internal villain came out of Baburam Bhattarai and in company with other upper class Khas elites he played the decisive role in killing the Constituent Assembly. This act alone derailed the progressive processes mentioned earlier. The same happened to corruption. Those who are at the helm of the state affairs, both in the government or in the opposition, spent their time and energy to accumulate wealth by all means – legitimate or illegitimate, retail or wholesale. Making the state bankrupt and making themselves lavishly rich is what all are busy with except a small number of leaders and cadres.

Then What?

When nation weeps, people weep together. When nation fails, people also fail accordingly. The water starts boiling, when it reaches 100 degree Celsius.

The power struggle that too to occupy the chairs of the ministers or prime minister has angered people immensly. The temperature has reached close to the boiling point. The scale and intensity of corruption, ever weakening law and order situation resulting to higher crime graph, unprecedented price rise and weakening patriotism to its low are creating motivational infrastructure for people's rebellion. People as individuals are powerless. However, as collectives, they are the most powerful lot.  The signals are clear now. Beware leaders and parties!

Nepal inside Dark Tunnel: Anarchy of Elitist Oligarchy

- Govinda Neupane

Where to start from? This is a very difficult task. Anyway, there should be a beginning and that could be the signing date of the second Delhi Agreement of 2006, generally called as 12-point agreement. The first Delhi Agreement was signed in 1951. Strangely, both times, the domestic Nepali political forces went to Delhi to conclude agreements between them seeking guidance, direction and mediation from India, a regional hegemonic power.

There was some sort of euphoria both the times. However, the euphoria, generated both the times, evaporated immediately, leaving space for hopelessness and frustration. Several people have already analyzed the factors that made the revolutionary zeal and fervor evaporating in no time in 1951. The agreement failed to make democracy functioning.  As a result, we suffered for decades under the anarchic or authoritarian regimes till 1990. Even from 1990 to 2006, either there was another anarchic parliamentary regime or a totalitarian regime for a brief period of Gyanendra’s rule. That is all history now. However, we need to look deeper into the scenario that has been continuously unfolding since 2006.

We have been living in a situation of full blown political anarchy. We have no constitution, no polity, no constitutional government and no fully functional democratic institution. We have all-round corruption of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. There is competition in pocketing state resources among different vested interest groups including the political actors at the high offices. We have no guardian. We are trapped in a politico-economic and social mess. Powerlessness, anger and frustration have become the governing feelings of millions of ordinary Nepali people. Really, we are somewhere deep inside a long, dark and narrow tunnel. I believe that independent analysts, political actors without colored vision, thoughtful professionals active in different fields and ordinary people surviving in a very hostile environment will agree with this depiction of the reality.

Either the Unified Maoist or the seven party alliance partners or both of them together have been at the helm of the state power since 2006. They are ‘powerful’ rulers. However, in practice, not the parties but a few leaders snatched power from their respective parties and established an oligarchic regime. In the 'august galaxy' of this oligarchy, there are twelve persons. Among them, four are from Unified Maoist, four from Nepali Congress, three from CPN (UML) and one from Madhesi front. All of them are of Khas origin (eight Bahuns and two Chhetris) except two (a Newar and a Tharu). All of them are male.  All of them are new super-rich except one (a Koirala). Hence, this is the oligarchy of new super rich-Khas-male elites. This oligarchy made the party system dysfunctional. They made the Constituent Assembly nonfunctional and irrelevant and finally finished its existence. In de facto term, they snatched power from the polity in the name of political consensus.

The oligarchic regime continued with support of and blessings from the council of foreign ambassadors. It is interesting to note that the regime got legitimacy by executing wishes of the Indian, American and European ambassadors.

The United Nations, in case of Nepal, played quite dubious role. Its mission, from the very beginning, was governed by the American agenda – finish Maoism as an ideology, finish Maoist party as an instrument of communist upsurge and demobilize and disintegrate Maoist army as a fighting force.
The council of ambassadors actively provided political support to the UN mission called UNMIN. UNMIN provided cover for all wrongdoings of the Maoist and encouraged them to venture into new wrongdoings so that people could get alienated from them. UNMIN succeeded in this mission. Moreover, the council of ambassadors together with the UN mission, bilateral aid mechanisms and Bratton Woods institutions  motivated, encouraged and made ready to the oligarchic regime to venture into the path of 'consensus politics'. This consensus politics is anti-democratic as it discourages the formal democratic mechanism of “majority-minority in decision making”. Hence, a few leaders started to assemble, interacted and went back to their respective parties just to explain. This explaining was part of a political ritual. The party mechanisms became fiefdoms of a few leaders. The Constituent Assembly that was tasked to draft, finalize and promulgate a new constitution had been made paralyzed, and finally it was slaughtered at the middle of the night.

The remaining task of derailing the constitution making process was accomplished by the donation -hungry northern NGOs and their Nepali counterparts including the human rights groups. They got fund from dubious northern or UN sources, organized several meaningless workshops, and arranged foreign trips to Constituent Assembly members to show them as beautiful dolls and to milk donor-cows. Several Nepali interest groups also jumped in the flood to catch a few fleshy fishes. Intellectuals and media are naturally smell-sensitive. They also grabbed their share of the booty. In this way, the state invested billions of Rupees in an exercise that brought into reality Franz Kafka's "Kafkaesque". 

In this way Nepal was thrown inside a deep, dark and long tunnel.

The class factor in Nepali politics became weak after 2006 as the Maoist party was converted to Unified Maoist and changed its class orientation from working class to upper middle class. Now, after the emergence of a few political instruments of working class forces, the class politics will get prominence once again. The most powerful force could be the force of working class people and the political process that could bring them into forefront of transformational actions would prevail over all other forces on the long run.

The non-Khas nationalities are on the war path. The Khas domination in all organs of the state is being challenged. The oppressed nationalities are asking for equity, justice and equality. Now, federalism has become the standard bearer of inclusion and power-sharing. The oppressed nationalities want federalism with ethnic identity and right to self-determination so as to mainstream oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections of people. This movement has been gaining momentum.

If the political forces of exploited classes, oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections come together, they could build a formidable force that would lead the process of radical societal change and progressive restructuring of the state. Now the political polarization has started to take shape rapidly. On one side, there could be the forces of status quo lead by the oligarchy of elites and their fragile party apparatus as mentioned above. And, on the other side there could be the political instruments of the exploited classes, regional forces, oppressed nationalities’ political instruments and associations of marginalized sections.

Now, after the dissolution of the duly elected Constituent Assembly, if there is no strong pressure, there is not much chance to have a constitution that is different than the constitution of 1991 with two exceptions – republic and nominally federated state structure. Hence, the progressive political forces including that of class, region, nationalities and marginalized sections should form, at least, a loose alliance and should create a mass movement which could generate strong pressure to make a progressive constitution. These forces must accept the challenges in any front whether that is round table conference, referendum or election. They should oppose the attempt of short cuts, particularly drafting a constitution by a super rich-Khas-male oligarchy appointed commission.

It is true that the tunnel is deep, dark and long. However, determined, sustained and collective journey will take us to the light that is at the other end of the tunnel. Daring to challenge the super rich-Khas-male oligarchy is the new departure point of this long journey. All movements, actions and endeavors, which have been continuing from the past or even from distant past, should get aligned with this historic journey, this new mass movement.

Seeds of Realignment of Social and Political Forces in Nepal

- Govinda Neupane


The political course, now, has taken a new turn. The forces of status quo and the forces of change, once again, are in search of new baskets to put them separately.

The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Establishment Faction or MEF) has taken new stand on federalization and system of governance. The structure long advocated by the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) has prevailed. The MEF, NC and UML are on one side and they are advocating for 11 ethnic identity-free federal divisions, non-executive president (however, to satisfy MEF ego, directly elected one), sovereign parliament (jumbo sized), provisional constitutional court (that too cosmetic type with 5 years life), and many other attributes of a parliamentary system. Now, the MEF has overtly expressed its political gender that it is a parliamentary political force fully committed to western values, ideals and system.

The change of ideological stand, political line, strategy, tactic and modus operandi of the MEF has influenced several stake holders. The major forces, which are affected by this change, are the progressive political forces, working class including agrarian workers and poor peasants, oppressed nationalities and marginalized social forces including the Dalits and women. The hopes and aspirations of these people have got severe jolt because of the parliamentary forces mentioned above serving the same wine produced in 1991 in new bottles and with new labels. Content-wise, the base would remain the same and form-wise it will look slightly different. There will be a president in place of the king; there will be 11 provinces in place of 14 zones and a few other things.

Now, it is a big challenge for the forces who have been advocating for substantial to radical change in the society, polity and spread of wellbeing among people. The forces that are still committed to their progressive causes are in a challenging situation. Now, they are at crossroads. They should decide whether they go to reformist path or take the path of radical change. The reformist path has been travelled by the UML and MEF and if the progressive political as well as social forces decide the same path to travel through, it would be futile for them to talk loud. If they are genuinely committed to change the society, then they must go for radical change. The progressive political force is not alone as there are other social forces who are feeling betrayed. Particularly, the oppressed nationalities, suppressed social sections and federalist forces could very much shoulder the responsibility of transforming the Nepali society, politico-social relationships and polity and they could work together for equitable spread of wellbeing including wealth, access, power and opportunities.

The forces representing class politics and identity politics, now, are coming closer as these forces are either exploited or oppressed or both. The same is true for the marginalized sections. The problem is that the class politics is heavily influenced by reformism and the identity politics has been under the influence of northern NGOs and western bi-laterals. The marginalized sections are also heavily infiltrated by the western governmental or non-governmental agencies. Therefore, it is a challenge for them to free themselves from these trends and actors first. If they succeed in freeing themselves from such trends and forces, then they could effectively change the prevailing socio-economic order, which has been standing on a sandy ground.

These progressive forces could create the tempest of movements and could transform Nepali society and the state. These forces may include but not limited to the revolutionary faction of the UCPN (Maoist), oppressed nationalities organized collectively or separately such as Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities, Madhesi parties, Janajati Parties, Dalit associations, women’s associations, etc. The unity among such forces has been seen in the movement to realize identity based federalism in these days. If this unity in action which has attracted even the Janajati and Madhesi Constituent Assembly members of MEF, NC and UML takes institutional form, this broader alliance of exploited class, oppressed nationalities and marginalized social sections may lead the new mass movement, which seems inevitable.

History Repeats Itself: Launching A New Mass Movement in Nepal

- Govinda Neupane

A newly discharged patient from a government hospital reached limping at the office of the ministry of foreign affairs in German capital Berlin and asked the minister to note his dissent that he will not accept the accord between Germany and France as it was too humiliating for Germany, though it effectively ended the First World War. The man was Adolf Hitler, a wounded Corporal of the German army. In his political profession, Hitler was known for all his wrong doings. However, as a protesting solder, who had already contributed liters of his young blood for his country and tried to defend his nation; his role was remarkable.

In retrospection, when I peep into the situation of Nepal in recent past, I feel proud. There were villains at the helm like Gyanendra and Girija. However, there were heroes too and that too in many in numbers. The society was changing and it was changing very fast. The process of societal transformation could be felt and observed vividly. The powerless were busy snatching power, the marginalized were marching to take respectable place in the mainstream and the ever exploited lots were coming out of the shackles of exploitative socio-economic fabrics of the old society. Everything unscientific and outlived was being challenged and scientific and new one was emerging. When the transformational course was on full swing; the people had started to believe that the roses were blooming everywhere around them. Although, they had to pay a high price, they had consolation that there could be a better tomorrow. There was hope and there was hope that was instrumental in making them believing that all their endeavors have worth. Hope was on the air and hope was inside their mind.

After the loss of several thousand lives and properties of billions of Rupees, a new situation was created when the April 2006 mass movement succeeded in taming Gyanendra, the autocratic ruler. In that new situation, the yesteryears' villains put on new furs and projected themselves as heroes. It happened partly due to Gyanendra as he kept them in five star detention facilities that made them 'freedom fighters' without sacrificing anything substantial, and partly due to the Maoist leaders' appetite for power for themselves that made them too accommodative and compromising. The Maoist leaders learnt tricks from the Congress and UML leaders to cheat and steal money from public and governmental coffer and became one among them making corruption as rampant as it could be. On the other side, the Congress and UML leaders sharpened their skills and borrowed courage from the Maoist leaders so as to stage corruption of unprecedented nature and scale. Corruption through change in policy instruments that sounds perfectly legitimate became one of the prime source incomes for them. Inflating the number of PLA fighters at cantonments, increasing the number of CA members to 601, appointing ministers and advisers as many as that could go, are some of such practices. The levy the top leadership got from PLA, CA members and advisors/ministers was their prime source of income which has been amply clear from the financial statements the Maoists, Congress and UML have submitted to Election Commission. The hidden money in the form of commission, bribes etc what they collected is huge. The donation drive from individuals and companies is another area from where large amount of money was snatched. The program funds that were sent to local bodies simply were pocketed by the local leaders and their bosses at national level. Hence, in these post-monarchy five years, the amount looted either from the state coffer or from private source is difficult to estimate.

The never ending power game and ever increasing corruption have impacted heavily negatively in the lives of Nepali people and Nepali nation. The difficulties of people are increasing every day. The price rise, deteriorating law and order and terror created by the anti-social elements under the protection of political forces have added to already existing difficulties of people including managing their lives in a very difficult economic environment. The worst that happened in Nepal is that the people have no HOPE at all. Hopelessness and powerlessness govern the mind of people. From east to west, from north to south, the prevailing majority felling, particularly that of common men and women is that of hopelessness. In leaders, they see the face of villains. The new drive to make new Nepal has been aborted wholly and totally.

Now, it is simply foolish to expect that a bull will deliver a calf. The state is at the verge of collapse, the people are bewildered as their dreams shattered and Gyanendra is there looking at things with all smile. All these three factors add on frustration of people. However, frustration is not the remedy of any problem and here too the people must overcome this frustration. Although they are a few in numbers today, still there are leaders with vision, courage and commitment to cause. They should dare to lead. They may not so strong today; there sustained efforts could make them and their parties champion, credible and large.

There are three forces they could fill the vacuum created by the departure of United Maoists and other forces which were standing with the people in the past. a) The first forces are the communists, particularly who are still struggling against the party apparatus inside the Unified Maoist party – Mohan Baidhya-led platform together with Matrika-led party. b) The second force could be that of democrats who are inside Congress and UML or other parties or independent. They should come together to form a democratic force that would challenge the orthodoxy of the Congress and opportunism of the UML. c) The third force could be the inclusions as well as federalist forces that could uphold progressive agenda as a united front or as an alliance if not as a party.

The Nepali society must not stop transforming itself neither it will. The Nepali nation must not stop advancing itself and Nepali people must not stop dreaming a dream of a new Nepal - the future abode of prosperous, civilized and happy people. Similarly, the progressive, democratic and nationalist political forces also must not stop renewing, reorganizing, rediscovering and reorienting themselves so as to play their historical role of leading the people and nation to new height. They should succeed in providing new direction that makes Nepali people confident, happy and hopeful and that makes Nepal a proud member among the comity of nations.

With all my reservation about Hitler, I referred him at the very first paragraph to communicate some strong sense of responsibility and some sense of urgency though that could be small and insignificant to begin with. We should dare to start our journey from scratches. Let's not follow the Hitler of later years, but recognize his act of boldness when he was neither Fuehrer nor warlord Hitler that time in 1918. We need leaders and parties that may not be necessarily too large and too strong now, but they have the potentials to grow fast with progressive vision and purposeful actions and who dare to start from scratches. A mass movement that could mobilize hundreds of thousands of people only could ensure positive change and could sustain it.