- Govinda Neupane
1. Kathmandu was over flooded with red flags on May Day. The procession was one of the largest processions that Nepal ever had seen. The busses, trucks, vans, etc ferried people from neighboring districts. The number of people coming from outside valley was estimated around 150,000. The lowest estimate of the number of participants in the mass meeting, as usual, was that of the Valley Police and the highest was that of the organizers, the Unified Maoists. The police estimated their number around 200,000 and the Unified Maoists said their number was more than 600,000. Anyway, their number was quite large. The crowd was jubilant. They were adding energy by singing and dancing. Among the participants, the Young Communist League (YCL) volunteers were the most visible lot. The participants included a large number of women and teenagers. In brief, the participants of the procession were joyous, enthusiastic and energetic and the procession was colorful and exciting. The same scenes were replicated in several urban centers all over Nepal. The Unified Maoist leaders made politico-sentimental speeches that enhanced jubilation, inserted heroism and replanted 'do or die' attitude. In the same venue, they declared nationwide indefinite general strike from 2nd May. The key demands included overthrowing the incumbent coalition government and establishing a new national consensus government so as to ensure stable peace and constitution writing. The party quite frankly said, "You must come to Kathmandu with shroud cloth wrapped around your heads and flour in your bags. It will be our last battle. If we succeed, we survive; else it will be the end of our party." (Unified Maoist General Secretary Badal in www.southasiarev.wordpress.com.) Thus, a "third people's movement" was unfolded.
2. The "third people's movement" was not spontaneous, it was planned meticulously. The Unified Maoist leaders were busy preparing the foundation publicly by communicating massages about "people's revolt", "overthrowing puppet government", "salvaging the peace process", "ensuring pro-people constitution writing" and "formation of the national consensus government under the Unified Maoist leadership", etc. Internally, the party and its sister organizations assessed their strengths and prepared plans to enroll their cadres and sympathizers to take them to urban centers. Similarly, to adopt Gandhian protest technology, which centers on nonviolence, they motivated the prospective volunteers and participants in 'peaceful' protest techniques and behaviors. Prior to the agitation, they also provided refresher trainings on martial arts and armed self-defense techniques to volunteers. The open demonstrations of such exercises in several parts of the cities and towns indirectly created fear among the neutral city dwellers. This made them subdued in expressing their opposition during the initial days of protest. Probably, the open demonstrations were organized keeping this as one of the objectives. The timing of the protest was quite appropriately chosen as it was dry season, the Constituent Assembly was in a stage of coma, the government was highly unpopular, frustration was at its climax among the people, the Nepali Congress was nearly headless, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) was at the verge of division due to bitter internal quarrels and the United Nations Mission in Nepal(UNMIN) and the Nepal office of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) were overtly favoring the Unified Maoists. Hence, the timing was excellent. The occasion of the May Day to declare the protest movement and implementation of the same, from the very next day was quite appropriate.
3. The Unified Maoist leaders are skilled in unfurling surprises. They have a large store of several types of surprises, and this time it was their love to nonviolence. They proudly declared the borderline of ethics for the protesters and that was no act of violence. During the initial three days, the protestors adhered to this behavioral arrangement, though it was new to the Maoist cadres and sympathizers. The leaders were busy selling this surprise. They were repeatedly mentioning that their protest remained peaceful - no tire burning, no stone throwing, no fight etc. They did not break any iron bars erected for partitioning footpath and road, nor did they smash the window glasses of the government and private buildings except a few. They did burn or destroy a few two-wheelers and four-wheelers. They also did not vandalize that many shops. The agitation of this size could have devastating effects, if judged by previous events and experiences. Interestingly, the participants were singing and dancing as if the protest was a festival and they were happily celebrating it.
4. The people from the rural areas were taken to unfamiliar places. They had to stay in strange arrangements, something like staying in a barrack system. They had to survive in an unhygienic street/city environment. Moreover, they did not see anything that is directly relevant to their lives. The strike was neither a general popular movement nor any extraordinary initiative that could be called revolt. Hence, bewilderment among the participants was quite normal. They did not get meaningful support from the local people. Most probably, the Unified Maoist leadership overestimated their strength in the urban areas particularly in the Kathmandu valley. Contrary to their expectation, the neutral local people, by and large, see the protest movement as another invasion after what Prithvinarayan Shah did two hundred forty two years ago. Already, the donation drive had antagonized many middle class people. Many among the neutral people in Kathmandu were suspicious in the beginning, started to feel fear after two-three days and perceived as some sort of threat to their very survival after fourth day. The same happened to others cities. When the forced closure prolonged, it affected the working class people. They became the primary victims. In this opportune moment, the Hindu ultras attacked and vandalized agitators' base in Birgunj. Also, local people clashed against them in Satungal in Kathmandu and other places including Budhanilakantha, Kapan, Jorpati, Patan, etc. There were serious confrontations in Dhankuta, Parbat, Pokhara, Rajbiraj and other places. The militant YCL cadres saw several acts of disobedience from many sections including from their own supporters. The situation got worse after the beating of construction wage workers in Pokhara and beating of a woman at Ratnapark in suspicion of adding pesticide in drinking water. These beatings revealed intolerance on the part of YCL. Intolerance gave opportunity to their opponents to demonize them and it clicked to some extent. The neutral mass started to polarize against them, particularly after the YCL cadres confronted against the prospective participants of the Basantapur mass meeting and their peace rally. Moreover, the Unified Maoist leadership underestimated the ability of the government to resist. It sounded that the leadership had an agitation wish, "We will put a few hundred thousands people on the street. The people will sing and dance. Under the pressure of singing and dancing, the puppet government will run to Delhi vacating the seat of power in Kathmandu. Chairman Prachanda or some other comrade will jump to the prime ministerial chair. The movement will succeed and the people will go home back thrilled with joy".
Moreover, during the initial days of the strike, there was absence of consistent position in regard to talks and protest. This inconsistency created lots of confusion. Similarly, the leadership did not foresee the possibility of infiltration by vigilantes and could not stop them from infiltration. Baring a few beatings, the vigilantes succeeded in carrying out their tasks. Also, the leadership failed to mobilize support of independent progressive individuals and groups.
Finally the leadership woke up and called the strike off. As the direct result of this tactical defeat, the political brand value of the Unified Maoist decreased, substantially. They are seen now not as a roaring lion that had been in its natural habitat, but as one domesticated. Their writ may not run as in the past as their strength got exposed. The Unified Maoist leadership has been seen visibly tired. The cadres, particularly the youth are angry. The party lost a large sympathizer base, particularly in urban centers. The talk of the town is that the Unified Maoist is not invincible. This perception has challenged the psyche of the previously unchallengeable Unified Maoist youth cadres. Now, there is a danger that the Maoist youth cadres will go back to their home bases in the rural areas and may act against local Congress and UML cadres. It should not be surprising if several Congress and UML cadres will run out of their villages or they will retaliate. Hence, the after-effects may give rise to more acts of violent confrontation.
5. Even after its tactical defeat, the Unified Maoist is still the largest cadre based party that could mobilize largest number of masses. They are down but not out. They have tested bitter pills. May be, that would cure some of their illnesses - over nurturing of personal ambitions, tall talking, fantasies and romanticism. Who knows, they may fight back as a wounded lion. In any case, this tactical defeat may not take them to oblivion. But, this defeat may crystallize the differences inside the Unified Maoists. There are already two platforms. The socialist platform could overtly UMLise itself and the Maoist revolutionary platform could reemerge as a vanguard, once again. Alternatively, the socialists' and Maoists' cohabitation within the Unified Maoist party will continue but with intensified two-line struggle in ideological and political fronts.
May 10, 2010
Tuesday, May 11, 2010
Friday, April 09, 2010
Nepal: moving forward, slowly but surely
- Govinda Neupane
The New Nepal has become a different Nepal. This different Nepal is a republic. This republic pardoned former monarchs and their cronies, corrupt political leaders, wrong-doing bureaucrats and dreaded criminals. So, all of them are having a field day. The former monarch is roaming around dreaming that one fine morning he could reclaim over his previous throne. The shady leaders have been projecting themselves as the Messiah of New Nepal. They occupy all high positions existed legally. Even, they have arranged strange entities such as High Level Political Mechanism and have been parading everywhere showing luxurious political clout. The criminals have been pardoned as many of them all of the sudden converted themselves as cadres of ruling political parties. Many among them purchased their political affiliation by paying good price to the leaderships. So, day-dreaming, corruption and crimes have become the ruling ideology of the superstructure of New Nepal. Hence, full blown anarchy, ailing national economy, confrontational social relationships and all pervading black marketing and profit-pocketing by several layers and types of politico-business tycoons and their stooges have been hitting hard at the backbone of New Nepal. Similarly, the commoners in the new republican order are also experiencing the heat. Acknowledging this nonsense as the sad side of the story, in this essay, I will share my exploration on fundamental positive change that has been taking place at the grassroots and at national level in many areas.
The series of movements and strategic initiatives including the Arya Samaj movement, pro-democracy movements, Jhapa movement and decade-long Maoist people's war contributed significantly in the process of grassroots awakening. The same movements and initiatives also contributed to break several chains of exploitations and injustices, which had been preserving unjust socio-economic and political structures, order and hierarchies. A different grassroots of New Nepal has emerged as a result of many socio-political factors including the initiatives that created common community wealth and greater facilities. Similarly, at national level, the people and the nation have erected some important milestones. Hence, it would be relevant to talk about the contributing factors and their impact on the larger society, though briefly.
Silent social revolution
Without any hue and cry, people at local levels tried to insert new values, which, on the long run, replaced the value system that existed for centuries. A Brahmin boy got married to a Dalit girl and he was thrown away from the village. It was difficult to adjust with but they survived. This event was a clear break with the past. Slowly, such events were replicated all over Nepal. This new trend had major contribution in breaking the untouchability myth. Hundreds of undocumented events including the struggle of Dalits to get rid of untouchability and to get justice and equality created the platform. And, the state was forced to declare untouchability as crime. But, the forceful implementations of such arrangements were only possible when education offered new information and the paradigm of the people particularly that of youths shifted. Now, they have generally (though not fully yet) regained respect in the society after several centuries. Similarly, the oppressed nationalities have individually and collectively tried for several years to get recognition of their rights and equal place in the society. Now, they have attained a level from where realization of their goals is not far away. Several women including Yogmaya and Dibya Koirala either through religious reform movements or by spreading facilities to educate women took part in the emancipation process of women. These acts of silent revolutions contributed most meaningfully to provide the foundation to change the society. During the ten years of the Maoist people's war, the process was shortened as they revolutionized the thought processes and the behaviors of the masses. So, the village Nepal is quite different than the village Nepal of ten years back. The same is applicable at grassroots level in urban Nepal. Although, the grassroots is not egalitarian as such, neither it is free of social prejudices against Dalits, women and oppressed nationalities, but it is uniquely different. Now, no power could prevent it from saying "good bye" to untouchability, gender stereotypes and socio-political exclusion of oppressed nationalities. The forces of change have been proceeding forward and their march is fast and irreversible. This is really a New Nepal in making at the grassroots.
Chains of mass movements
The new political journey initiated by the idealist youths of Prachanda Gorkha (the very first political party in Nepal that survived just for some months) has created several milestones to reach the level that of today. Among the movements, the anti-Rana movement, pro-democracy movements (1947 onward), Jhapa movement and Maoist movement contributed more in the process of mass awakening, but the major role have been played by several small local level mass uprisings. Some of these uprisings had a class nature such as the very first industrial workers strike in Biratnagar Jute Mills (1947) and Gaur peasants struggle (1950). The same could be seen in social arena like oppressed nationalities' movement such as the Kirat rebellion in Majhkirat (1908) or that of Dalits such as the struggle launched to establish their right to enter inside Pashupatinath temple (1954) or that of student's Jayatu Sanskritam struggle (1947). These struggles erected several milestones in the process that played significant role in detaching the future from its past. They developed and disseminated a strong message that a new Nepal is in making. May be, several small local level uprisings did not last long, but they deeply impacted on the socio-political landscape of the area. The synergy generated through their impacts accelerated the process of substantial change in the larger society.
Emergence of the critical mass
Expansion of formal educational facilities, non-formal education activities, cooperative movements, community level project implementation mechanisms, user groups and several small scale participatory grassroots mechanisms had created the environment, where people started to question, tried to search for probable answers and more importantly moved away from subordinate frame of mind and became a part of valuable critical mass. The recognition of plurality of values, belief systems, social norms, community behaviors and social relationships opened the horizon for interactions, quantitative reformation and qualitative change. Hence, the society has been passing through several acts and activities of continuous renewal. Thus, it has provided opportunities to expand the critical mass and helping it to be more informed, reasonable, logical, confrontational and resolute.
New information highway and ever-expanding communication networks
Newspapers, radios including FM stations and television channels played one of the most important roles not only in disseminating information and building knowledge base in several areas but also they helped people to move out of the mindset primarily confined to feudal attitudinal frame. Gradually, they have been moving towards open attitudinal space. Now, they know how the affluent sections of their society live. Hence, they have the opportunity to compare between two types of livelihoods and lifestyles. This has exposed them to different type of reality. This exposure enabled them to set new life goals on one side and also it empowered them with information to direct their efforts to attain those goals by mixing confrontational and capability building approaches, simultaneously. The telephone network and other communication facilities are integrating societies more closely and hence, more united actions could be seen in several fronts that include but not limited to new initiatives, common interest actions, joint acts, issues/events based struggles etc. The means of information dissemination, knowledge building and attainment of relaxation/entertainment have offered more comfortable space and livable environment.
Expansion of facilities
Whether be it formal education institutions or health facility service centers or business enterprises or community level service delivery mechanisms; the number, size and capacity of such facilities have increased many folds. The airports, highways and road networks have connected places and people and provided infrastructural base for the feeling of oneness among people of several different regions. These transportation infrastructures have also expanded the market for products and services. Although, there is power cut for more than 12 hours daily during dry season, the fact is that Nepal produces more than 600 megawatts of electricity (2009). This is not enough, but the foundation is ready to move fast to generate more.
Emergence of new social contract at the grassroots
The annual labor contract system between the peasants and agriculture workers in the rural areas has gone through a sea change. The system of an agricultural worker attached to a certain peasant or a landlord is no more in practice in eastern and central Nepal and in western Nepal too such systems like Kamaiyas, Haliyas and Kahmlaris are disappearing fast. It may not continue for long. This is one major contribution of the left movement in Nepal. Similarly, the changes in tenancy system and providing rights to the tenants have freed them from evicting whenever the landowner wished so. Though, exploitation and unjust relationships are still prevalent in the society, the new system of social contract has been emerging very fast with a clear goal of establishing a just and egalitarian society. It may not radically transform the society just through evolutionary change, but it has been building foundation to realize the goal through revolutionary means.
Labor migration and remittance economy
Many youths from rural areas even from remote parts are daring to travel to the places they have not heard about. Neither they know the language nor they are familiar with the culture there nor do they be sure what type of job they will get and how much money they could earn. Even, they do not know to complete the embarkation/disembarkation forms. Still, they ventured particularly to Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea. Some of them have gone to Israel and Cyprus. A few could be found in Japan. And, many travel to several parts of India. Their number is not exactly known but that could be more than 2.5 million. They are sending money home and that is estimated around a trillion in Rupees every year. They did not only go out and send money, but also helped to take out excess workforce from agriculture creating fairly reduced supply of labor in that sector of economy. The demand and supply mechanism created some positive change in rural wage system. Now, the labor gets more. Though, it has increased the price of agricultural produces but it is only fair if the agriculture workers get more wages. This way, the rural folks are getting inward remittance regularly and their living standards are improving. The children of migrant workers are enrolled in schools, in some cases in better schools. Hence, rural livelihood mechanism has been changing and the national economy is getting breather in times of senseless anarchy.
Professionals and experts
The experts in certain fields and professionals in many areas could be found working in several parts of the globe. They are with United Nations and its system agencies, multilateral organization, international business enterprises, universities and research centers, aid agencies including international non-government organizations and expert services caterers such as famed fashion designers, mountaineering instructors etc. Outside the country, they are Nepal's goodwill ambassadors and when they come back home, they bring unmatched expertise. Even inside Nepal, we have some world class professionals. In this way, slowly but steadily, Nepal is moving forward.
Conclusion
It would be helpful to examine the objectiveness of the above analysis by comparing the deference using some indicators. Hence, a few basic indicators below could be quoted for this purpose.
a. Nepal during 1960-1970
Life Expectancy at birth (1960): 38 years
Adult Literacy Rate (1970): 13%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1960): 297
b. Nepal during 1980-1990
Life Expectancy at birth (1987): 52 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (1985): 26%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1988): 197
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 1987): US$ 720
HDI (1990): 0.273
http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_1990_en_indicators1.pdf
3. Nepal during 2000-2010
Life Expectancy at birth (2007): 66 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (2007): 56.5%
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 2007): US$ 1049
HDI (2007): 0.553
http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html
Human Development Index (HDI) has doubled in 2007 (0.553) compare to 1990 (0.273). Similarly, Adult literacy rate too has jumped more than four fold in 2007 (56.5%) compare to 1970 (13%). Life expectancy has gone steadily up from 38 years in 1960 to 52 years in 1987 to 66 years in 2007. Per Capita real GDP (PPP) also has increased from US$ 720 in 1987 to US$ 1049 in 2007. Although, it is not that much, still the over all trend is positive. Hence, despite Nepal being under despotic regimes or 'democratic' anarchies, the progress mentioned above is not small. Moreover, during the decade starting 1996, Nepal was in unprecedented turmoil and upheavals primarily caused by the Maoist-led people's war. Nepali economy and infrastructures had been on constant pressure that included damage of common wealth created already. Overcoming such difficulties and getting some good marks is an achievement for which Nepali people could feel proud.
Nepal has three limitations in regard to its way forward. First, Nepal has the governance problem. No mainstream political party commands the respect of people. Their politics of deception and their acts, which revolve around their petty interests, have injured the nation, dangerously. Second, in both areas, in creation of wealth, Nepal is not in optimal level and in distribution of created wealth justly, Nepal fares badly. Third, in comparison to nations, which were generally in the same situation in 1960, Nepal's pace of change and its overall development have lagged far behind. Therefore, Nepal is in great need of the politics of transformation, which has a blend of progressive ethics, values, characters, hopes, visions and commitment to cause. Also, Nepal very much needs political, social, economic and organizational instruments, which could lead Nepal in creation of wealth. This wealth could be meaningful skills, physical facilities, organizational infrastructure, intellectual capacity, technological capability or simply that could be production of enough goods and services. There should be appropriate mechanisms, polities and practices that ensure basic equality, equity and justice in distributing the wealth that has been or would be created. Nepal could catch up with the nations, which reached ahead of it today, if it could create synergetic effects of these two factors. Also, identifying correctly its strength base, setting priorities right and channeling entire national energies to drive the nation forward are equally important. Certainly, in this course of all inclusive transformation, the roadblocks should be cleared. A progressive, compassionate, just, shining and ever-renewing New Nepal could and should emerge, if initiatives, endeavors and enterprises prosper.
April 07, 2010
The New Nepal has become a different Nepal. This different Nepal is a republic. This republic pardoned former monarchs and their cronies, corrupt political leaders, wrong-doing bureaucrats and dreaded criminals. So, all of them are having a field day. The former monarch is roaming around dreaming that one fine morning he could reclaim over his previous throne. The shady leaders have been projecting themselves as the Messiah of New Nepal. They occupy all high positions existed legally. Even, they have arranged strange entities such as High Level Political Mechanism and have been parading everywhere showing luxurious political clout. The criminals have been pardoned as many of them all of the sudden converted themselves as cadres of ruling political parties. Many among them purchased their political affiliation by paying good price to the leaderships. So, day-dreaming, corruption and crimes have become the ruling ideology of the superstructure of New Nepal. Hence, full blown anarchy, ailing national economy, confrontational social relationships and all pervading black marketing and profit-pocketing by several layers and types of politico-business tycoons and their stooges have been hitting hard at the backbone of New Nepal. Similarly, the commoners in the new republican order are also experiencing the heat. Acknowledging this nonsense as the sad side of the story, in this essay, I will share my exploration on fundamental positive change that has been taking place at the grassroots and at national level in many areas.
The series of movements and strategic initiatives including the Arya Samaj movement, pro-democracy movements, Jhapa movement and decade-long Maoist people's war contributed significantly in the process of grassroots awakening. The same movements and initiatives also contributed to break several chains of exploitations and injustices, which had been preserving unjust socio-economic and political structures, order and hierarchies. A different grassroots of New Nepal has emerged as a result of many socio-political factors including the initiatives that created common community wealth and greater facilities. Similarly, at national level, the people and the nation have erected some important milestones. Hence, it would be relevant to talk about the contributing factors and their impact on the larger society, though briefly.
Silent social revolution
Without any hue and cry, people at local levels tried to insert new values, which, on the long run, replaced the value system that existed for centuries. A Brahmin boy got married to a Dalit girl and he was thrown away from the village. It was difficult to adjust with but they survived. This event was a clear break with the past. Slowly, such events were replicated all over Nepal. This new trend had major contribution in breaking the untouchability myth. Hundreds of undocumented events including the struggle of Dalits to get rid of untouchability and to get justice and equality created the platform. And, the state was forced to declare untouchability as crime. But, the forceful implementations of such arrangements were only possible when education offered new information and the paradigm of the people particularly that of youths shifted. Now, they have generally (though not fully yet) regained respect in the society after several centuries. Similarly, the oppressed nationalities have individually and collectively tried for several years to get recognition of their rights and equal place in the society. Now, they have attained a level from where realization of their goals is not far away. Several women including Yogmaya and Dibya Koirala either through religious reform movements or by spreading facilities to educate women took part in the emancipation process of women. These acts of silent revolutions contributed most meaningfully to provide the foundation to change the society. During the ten years of the Maoist people's war, the process was shortened as they revolutionized the thought processes and the behaviors of the masses. So, the village Nepal is quite different than the village Nepal of ten years back. The same is applicable at grassroots level in urban Nepal. Although, the grassroots is not egalitarian as such, neither it is free of social prejudices against Dalits, women and oppressed nationalities, but it is uniquely different. Now, no power could prevent it from saying "good bye" to untouchability, gender stereotypes and socio-political exclusion of oppressed nationalities. The forces of change have been proceeding forward and their march is fast and irreversible. This is really a New Nepal in making at the grassroots.
Chains of mass movements
The new political journey initiated by the idealist youths of Prachanda Gorkha (the very first political party in Nepal that survived just for some months) has created several milestones to reach the level that of today. Among the movements, the anti-Rana movement, pro-democracy movements (1947 onward), Jhapa movement and Maoist movement contributed more in the process of mass awakening, but the major role have been played by several small local level mass uprisings. Some of these uprisings had a class nature such as the very first industrial workers strike in Biratnagar Jute Mills (1947) and Gaur peasants struggle (1950). The same could be seen in social arena like oppressed nationalities' movement such as the Kirat rebellion in Majhkirat (1908) or that of Dalits such as the struggle launched to establish their right to enter inside Pashupatinath temple (1954) or that of student's Jayatu Sanskritam struggle (1947). These struggles erected several milestones in the process that played significant role in detaching the future from its past. They developed and disseminated a strong message that a new Nepal is in making. May be, several small local level uprisings did not last long, but they deeply impacted on the socio-political landscape of the area. The synergy generated through their impacts accelerated the process of substantial change in the larger society.
Emergence of the critical mass
Expansion of formal educational facilities, non-formal education activities, cooperative movements, community level project implementation mechanisms, user groups and several small scale participatory grassroots mechanisms had created the environment, where people started to question, tried to search for probable answers and more importantly moved away from subordinate frame of mind and became a part of valuable critical mass. The recognition of plurality of values, belief systems, social norms, community behaviors and social relationships opened the horizon for interactions, quantitative reformation and qualitative change. Hence, the society has been passing through several acts and activities of continuous renewal. Thus, it has provided opportunities to expand the critical mass and helping it to be more informed, reasonable, logical, confrontational and resolute.
New information highway and ever-expanding communication networks
Newspapers, radios including FM stations and television channels played one of the most important roles not only in disseminating information and building knowledge base in several areas but also they helped people to move out of the mindset primarily confined to feudal attitudinal frame. Gradually, they have been moving towards open attitudinal space. Now, they know how the affluent sections of their society live. Hence, they have the opportunity to compare between two types of livelihoods and lifestyles. This has exposed them to different type of reality. This exposure enabled them to set new life goals on one side and also it empowered them with information to direct their efforts to attain those goals by mixing confrontational and capability building approaches, simultaneously. The telephone network and other communication facilities are integrating societies more closely and hence, more united actions could be seen in several fronts that include but not limited to new initiatives, common interest actions, joint acts, issues/events based struggles etc. The means of information dissemination, knowledge building and attainment of relaxation/entertainment have offered more comfortable space and livable environment.
Expansion of facilities
Whether be it formal education institutions or health facility service centers or business enterprises or community level service delivery mechanisms; the number, size and capacity of such facilities have increased many folds. The airports, highways and road networks have connected places and people and provided infrastructural base for the feeling of oneness among people of several different regions. These transportation infrastructures have also expanded the market for products and services. Although, there is power cut for more than 12 hours daily during dry season, the fact is that Nepal produces more than 600 megawatts of electricity (2009). This is not enough, but the foundation is ready to move fast to generate more.
Emergence of new social contract at the grassroots
The annual labor contract system between the peasants and agriculture workers in the rural areas has gone through a sea change. The system of an agricultural worker attached to a certain peasant or a landlord is no more in practice in eastern and central Nepal and in western Nepal too such systems like Kamaiyas, Haliyas and Kahmlaris are disappearing fast. It may not continue for long. This is one major contribution of the left movement in Nepal. Similarly, the changes in tenancy system and providing rights to the tenants have freed them from evicting whenever the landowner wished so. Though, exploitation and unjust relationships are still prevalent in the society, the new system of social contract has been emerging very fast with a clear goal of establishing a just and egalitarian society. It may not radically transform the society just through evolutionary change, but it has been building foundation to realize the goal through revolutionary means.
Labor migration and remittance economy
Many youths from rural areas even from remote parts are daring to travel to the places they have not heard about. Neither they know the language nor they are familiar with the culture there nor do they be sure what type of job they will get and how much money they could earn. Even, they do not know to complete the embarkation/disembarkation forms. Still, they ventured particularly to Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea. Some of them have gone to Israel and Cyprus. A few could be found in Japan. And, many travel to several parts of India. Their number is not exactly known but that could be more than 2.5 million. They are sending money home and that is estimated around a trillion in Rupees every year. They did not only go out and send money, but also helped to take out excess workforce from agriculture creating fairly reduced supply of labor in that sector of economy. The demand and supply mechanism created some positive change in rural wage system. Now, the labor gets more. Though, it has increased the price of agricultural produces but it is only fair if the agriculture workers get more wages. This way, the rural folks are getting inward remittance regularly and their living standards are improving. The children of migrant workers are enrolled in schools, in some cases in better schools. Hence, rural livelihood mechanism has been changing and the national economy is getting breather in times of senseless anarchy.
Professionals and experts
The experts in certain fields and professionals in many areas could be found working in several parts of the globe. They are with United Nations and its system agencies, multilateral organization, international business enterprises, universities and research centers, aid agencies including international non-government organizations and expert services caterers such as famed fashion designers, mountaineering instructors etc. Outside the country, they are Nepal's goodwill ambassadors and when they come back home, they bring unmatched expertise. Even inside Nepal, we have some world class professionals. In this way, slowly but steadily, Nepal is moving forward.
Conclusion
It would be helpful to examine the objectiveness of the above analysis by comparing the deference using some indicators. Hence, a few basic indicators below could be quoted for this purpose.
a. Nepal during 1960-1970
Life Expectancy at birth (1960): 38 years
Adult Literacy Rate (1970): 13%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1960): 297
b. Nepal during 1980-1990
Life Expectancy at birth (1987): 52 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (1985): 26%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1988): 197
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 1987): US$ 720
HDI (1990): 0.273
http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_1990_en_indicators1.pdf
3. Nepal during 2000-2010
Life Expectancy at birth (2007): 66 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (2007): 56.5%
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 2007): US$ 1049
HDI (2007): 0.553
http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html
Human Development Index (HDI) has doubled in 2007 (0.553) compare to 1990 (0.273). Similarly, Adult literacy rate too has jumped more than four fold in 2007 (56.5%) compare to 1970 (13%). Life expectancy has gone steadily up from 38 years in 1960 to 52 years in 1987 to 66 years in 2007. Per Capita real GDP (PPP) also has increased from US$ 720 in 1987 to US$ 1049 in 2007. Although, it is not that much, still the over all trend is positive. Hence, despite Nepal being under despotic regimes or 'democratic' anarchies, the progress mentioned above is not small. Moreover, during the decade starting 1996, Nepal was in unprecedented turmoil and upheavals primarily caused by the Maoist-led people's war. Nepali economy and infrastructures had been on constant pressure that included damage of common wealth created already. Overcoming such difficulties and getting some good marks is an achievement for which Nepali people could feel proud.
Nepal has three limitations in regard to its way forward. First, Nepal has the governance problem. No mainstream political party commands the respect of people. Their politics of deception and their acts, which revolve around their petty interests, have injured the nation, dangerously. Second, in both areas, in creation of wealth, Nepal is not in optimal level and in distribution of created wealth justly, Nepal fares badly. Third, in comparison to nations, which were generally in the same situation in 1960, Nepal's pace of change and its overall development have lagged far behind. Therefore, Nepal is in great need of the politics of transformation, which has a blend of progressive ethics, values, characters, hopes, visions and commitment to cause. Also, Nepal very much needs political, social, economic and organizational instruments, which could lead Nepal in creation of wealth. This wealth could be meaningful skills, physical facilities, organizational infrastructure, intellectual capacity, technological capability or simply that could be production of enough goods and services. There should be appropriate mechanisms, polities and practices that ensure basic equality, equity and justice in distributing the wealth that has been or would be created. Nepal could catch up with the nations, which reached ahead of it today, if it could create synergetic effects of these two factors. Also, identifying correctly its strength base, setting priorities right and channeling entire national energies to drive the nation forward are equally important. Certainly, in this course of all inclusive transformation, the roadblocks should be cleared. A progressive, compassionate, just, shining and ever-renewing New Nepal could and should emerge, if initiatives, endeavors and enterprises prosper.
April 07, 2010
Thursday, October 15, 2009
Leadership Failure and the Syndrome of National Disintegration
- Govinda Neupane
The main leaders of the major mainstream political parties have been behaving in such a fashion that the people have started to look them as the clowns of the dethroned monarch. All leaders of the THREE BIG parties have lost their credibility. The Nepali Congress leader Mr. G. P. Koirala's credibility was already too low. People have been blaming him for years that he is visionless, valueless and power hungry. Some people believed that he translates his words into actions. It was thought that what he says, that he does. It was just the appreciation of his predictability. Although, this year, there was erosion in this appreciation, still he is the one losing less. In mathematical term, for example, he had 10 positive points last year in a scale of 100 and now he might have still 7 points. Hence, he has a negative result of 3 points. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) leader Mr. J. N. Khanal has been known for both his intellectual ability and political limitations. This year, there is some change in his image as most of the time he was swinging between Maoists carrots and his own party's sticks. Incidentally, he doesn't command majority support in the UML central committee. So, eating words and changing stands made him a unique person. His credibility range also has gone down significantly. He might had 35 positive points last year and now he may have just 20 points. The war-time superhero and the most charismatic Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) leader Mr. Prachanda is the biggest loser, both in areas of credibility and charisma in the current political amphitheatre. Most of the time, there is no match between what he says and what he does. In the scale of 100, he probably had 85 positive points last year and now he will command not more than 15 points. He is between J. N. Khanal (20) and G. P. Koirala (7). If the same trend continues, he may top the list next year surpassing Mr. Koirala. Moreover, Prime Minister Mr. M. K. Nepal also belongs to this same category of leaders, who are losing credibility with a high margin. His only agenda seems sticking to the Prime Minister's chair by making any compromise. One strange thing is that Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Mr. Ram Chandra Poudel and Mr. K. P. Oli have maintained their respective places both in credibility and charisma with some minus and plus points.
The leadership primarily composed of the BIG THREE parties failed miserably in guiding the nation at a delicate time of transition. After watching all the nonsense they uttered and the shameful acts they performed; the people came to realize lately that the rosy picture what the leaders were sharing with them was the same as that once shared by Mr. K. P. Bhattarai, who had told that he was in the process of making Nepal a new Singapore.
The weaknesses of the leadership provided opportunities to external powers to influence the political course strongly in an unfavorable way. As a result, now, we could see several holy places where our leaders often visit for worship. Delhi and Beijing are among the first line temples followed by Washington, London and Oslo. There are people talking about boarder encroachment. But, no leader dares and cares to talk about this issue. Our policies are either made outside in those capitals as mentioned above or in our very own five star hotels by the experts or the manipulators coming from the same capitals and staying in small Nepali heavens, the luxury hotels. The ambassadors are another bunch of rulers and they often try to rule by issuing decrees. The external players visit bedrooms of our BIG leaders and instruct them even how to snore. These leaders pretend that they have no foreign influence on them. Sometimes, they even act well. For example, many among them chant anti-India slogans publicly and polish shoes of their Indian Masters privately
The New Nepal, now, is better known as a Nepal full of hardships, difficulties and uncertainties. These factors include lawlessness, anarchy and mass destruction of public and private properties. No one could feel safe other than the mighty leaders and their cronies. The general strikes popularly knows as BANDHAS have become most frequent as all types of people trying to fulfill any demand call for it, throw stones against pedestrians, burn tires, set vehicles on flames, destroy shops, vandalize public and private properties, terrorize entire populace by beating, hitting or chasing them and think that he or she or they accomplished wonderful acts of struggle. Survival has become number one priority for a large majority of people. Those who do not have means to live are hungry and hence are angry. Similarly, those who have means are at the verge of abduction or killing, and hence are also angry. This makes only a small minority enjoying the fruits of such hardships and anarchy. Everybody knows that this small minority is primarily composed of criminals and political bandits protected by major and minor political parties.
The exercise of the national sovereignty has already been limited. Nepal as such has become incapable to protect its sovereign rights and interests due to external and internal factors. It has been already discussed above about the external factors. The internal factors include anarchic crowd mentality, ethnic aspirations, continuation of Khas chauvinism, geographical disadvantages and local grievances, internal colonization and people's desire to get rid of it and the extreme poverty are contributing to weakening Nepal. By examining the performance of the state mechanism, it is now not a compact state unit. The selfish, visionless and worthless leadership, resentful people and irrational external powers all are adding to a process that has been crystallizing to national disintegration. It may not remain as a sovereign multicultural state if the same trend continues or gets acceleration. Psychological and social disintegration was already in process for several decades, and now there are economic and political disintegrations seen in the horizon.
The unprecedented erosion of state power is the first evidence of disintegration of the Nepalese nation. The so-called major parties make all strategic decisions collectively or individually. The state mechanisms including the courts simply legalize the non-legal decisions or pretend that nothing has happened or overlook. A murderer could come out of the police custody if an influential party is a beneficiary of his or her crime. This could be in the form of political affiliation with that party or previous arrangement of sharing the booty/benefits or simply that person could bribe either that party or its leaders. In case of convicted criminals too, they could get amnesty by utilizing the same privileges. Moreover, these parties could do anything and that is considered normal and natural on the name of 'transitional political environment'. This is nothing other than the clear evidence of political disintegration of the state system.
The oppressive Khas chauvinist chiefs have not shared any power in qualitative term. Although, we could see more women or people from oppressed nationalities standing together with the Khas chiefs and their deputies or cronies in the constituent assembly (also parliament), cabinet or in other organs of the state, but they are just the show pieces. They are there not for making decisions but to shout and offer thumb impressions when the Khas chiefs and their powerful cronies instruct them to do so. The Madheshis, MangolKirats and Dalits had no say in the old Nepal and have no say in this so-called new Nepal. But, now they have the information regarding the discriminations they are facing and they have the desire to get rid of such discriminations. Hence, the divisions have been visible and the desires for solving such phenomenon are intense. When the solutions are not coming out through positive means, the negative means have started to initiate irreversible courses. Certainly, this could lead to social disintegration of the Nepalese nation.
The southern bread basket is the major economic base of the Nepalese nation not only because it is rich in agricultural production but also it is the industrial as well as commercial hub. For centuries, Madhes was treated as a colony by the Khas rulers and the Madhesis know now exactly how they were treated for centuries. They want now economic and political power. The Karnali region has been neglected for long and now the people there know that they are surviving in sub-human conditions and the Nepalese state has done nothing significant for them. The people of MangolKirat nationality know their state of being and are asking for Libuwan, Khambuwan and so on. The same psychological phenomenon is there in other regions too. Hence, the regions and nationalities all over Nepal have expectations that they should get the right to govern themselves. Most of the time and in most of the places, their demands are going beyond duel federalism. They want the right to self determination. When the backbone of the nation, the state system, is so weak, their demands may not be addressed centrally in a comprehensive manner. This situation may lead to territorial disintegration.
There was a joke that a policeman remembered that he was operated by a surgeon 12 years ago. The surgeon had taken his entire brain out when he escaped from the operation theatre. He went back to the surgeon to get his brain back and got it fixed. The surgeon asked where he was for so many years and what he was doing without his brain. The policeman replied that he was a policeman. Now, this time it seems that several persons ran out from the operation theatre without fixing their brains. But this time they did not go for uniform. They put the caps of big leaders on their heads.
The nation and people are in an extraordinarily difficult situation. The nation is at the verge of disintegration, the people are crying for survival and the oppressed social sections, nationalities and regions are dying for justice; the big parties and their big leaders are busy in fattening themselves, their relatives and their cronies. This is utter failure of the leadership. Now, either there would be revolt of unprecedented nature against them and a positive check comes into motion to preserve the national unity of the Nepalese nation or the situation would deteriorate further and the disintegration takes its strategic course. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.
The main leaders of the major mainstream political parties have been behaving in such a fashion that the people have started to look them as the clowns of the dethroned monarch. All leaders of the THREE BIG parties have lost their credibility. The Nepali Congress leader Mr. G. P. Koirala's credibility was already too low. People have been blaming him for years that he is visionless, valueless and power hungry. Some people believed that he translates his words into actions. It was thought that what he says, that he does. It was just the appreciation of his predictability. Although, this year, there was erosion in this appreciation, still he is the one losing less. In mathematical term, for example, he had 10 positive points last year in a scale of 100 and now he might have still 7 points. Hence, he has a negative result of 3 points. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) leader Mr. J. N. Khanal has been known for both his intellectual ability and political limitations. This year, there is some change in his image as most of the time he was swinging between Maoists carrots and his own party's sticks. Incidentally, he doesn't command majority support in the UML central committee. So, eating words and changing stands made him a unique person. His credibility range also has gone down significantly. He might had 35 positive points last year and now he may have just 20 points. The war-time superhero and the most charismatic Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) leader Mr. Prachanda is the biggest loser, both in areas of credibility and charisma in the current political amphitheatre. Most of the time, there is no match between what he says and what he does. In the scale of 100, he probably had 85 positive points last year and now he will command not more than 15 points. He is between J. N. Khanal (20) and G. P. Koirala (7). If the same trend continues, he may top the list next year surpassing Mr. Koirala. Moreover, Prime Minister Mr. M. K. Nepal also belongs to this same category of leaders, who are losing credibility with a high margin. His only agenda seems sticking to the Prime Minister's chair by making any compromise. One strange thing is that Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Mr. Ram Chandra Poudel and Mr. K. P. Oli have maintained their respective places both in credibility and charisma with some minus and plus points.
The leadership primarily composed of the BIG THREE parties failed miserably in guiding the nation at a delicate time of transition. After watching all the nonsense they uttered and the shameful acts they performed; the people came to realize lately that the rosy picture what the leaders were sharing with them was the same as that once shared by Mr. K. P. Bhattarai, who had told that he was in the process of making Nepal a new Singapore.
The weaknesses of the leadership provided opportunities to external powers to influence the political course strongly in an unfavorable way. As a result, now, we could see several holy places where our leaders often visit for worship. Delhi and Beijing are among the first line temples followed by Washington, London and Oslo. There are people talking about boarder encroachment. But, no leader dares and cares to talk about this issue. Our policies are either made outside in those capitals as mentioned above or in our very own five star hotels by the experts or the manipulators coming from the same capitals and staying in small Nepali heavens, the luxury hotels. The ambassadors are another bunch of rulers and they often try to rule by issuing decrees. The external players visit bedrooms of our BIG leaders and instruct them even how to snore. These leaders pretend that they have no foreign influence on them. Sometimes, they even act well. For example, many among them chant anti-India slogans publicly and polish shoes of their Indian Masters privately
The New Nepal, now, is better known as a Nepal full of hardships, difficulties and uncertainties. These factors include lawlessness, anarchy and mass destruction of public and private properties. No one could feel safe other than the mighty leaders and their cronies. The general strikes popularly knows as BANDHAS have become most frequent as all types of people trying to fulfill any demand call for it, throw stones against pedestrians, burn tires, set vehicles on flames, destroy shops, vandalize public and private properties, terrorize entire populace by beating, hitting or chasing them and think that he or she or they accomplished wonderful acts of struggle. Survival has become number one priority for a large majority of people. Those who do not have means to live are hungry and hence are angry. Similarly, those who have means are at the verge of abduction or killing, and hence are also angry. This makes only a small minority enjoying the fruits of such hardships and anarchy. Everybody knows that this small minority is primarily composed of criminals and political bandits protected by major and minor political parties.
The exercise of the national sovereignty has already been limited. Nepal as such has become incapable to protect its sovereign rights and interests due to external and internal factors. It has been already discussed above about the external factors. The internal factors include anarchic crowd mentality, ethnic aspirations, continuation of Khas chauvinism, geographical disadvantages and local grievances, internal colonization and people's desire to get rid of it and the extreme poverty are contributing to weakening Nepal. By examining the performance of the state mechanism, it is now not a compact state unit. The selfish, visionless and worthless leadership, resentful people and irrational external powers all are adding to a process that has been crystallizing to national disintegration. It may not remain as a sovereign multicultural state if the same trend continues or gets acceleration. Psychological and social disintegration was already in process for several decades, and now there are economic and political disintegrations seen in the horizon.
The unprecedented erosion of state power is the first evidence of disintegration of the Nepalese nation. The so-called major parties make all strategic decisions collectively or individually. The state mechanisms including the courts simply legalize the non-legal decisions or pretend that nothing has happened or overlook. A murderer could come out of the police custody if an influential party is a beneficiary of his or her crime. This could be in the form of political affiliation with that party or previous arrangement of sharing the booty/benefits or simply that person could bribe either that party or its leaders. In case of convicted criminals too, they could get amnesty by utilizing the same privileges. Moreover, these parties could do anything and that is considered normal and natural on the name of 'transitional political environment'. This is nothing other than the clear evidence of political disintegration of the state system.
The oppressive Khas chauvinist chiefs have not shared any power in qualitative term. Although, we could see more women or people from oppressed nationalities standing together with the Khas chiefs and their deputies or cronies in the constituent assembly (also parliament), cabinet or in other organs of the state, but they are just the show pieces. They are there not for making decisions but to shout and offer thumb impressions when the Khas chiefs and their powerful cronies instruct them to do so. The Madheshis, MangolKirats and Dalits had no say in the old Nepal and have no say in this so-called new Nepal. But, now they have the information regarding the discriminations they are facing and they have the desire to get rid of such discriminations. Hence, the divisions have been visible and the desires for solving such phenomenon are intense. When the solutions are not coming out through positive means, the negative means have started to initiate irreversible courses. Certainly, this could lead to social disintegration of the Nepalese nation.
The southern bread basket is the major economic base of the Nepalese nation not only because it is rich in agricultural production but also it is the industrial as well as commercial hub. For centuries, Madhes was treated as a colony by the Khas rulers and the Madhesis know now exactly how they were treated for centuries. They want now economic and political power. The Karnali region has been neglected for long and now the people there know that they are surviving in sub-human conditions and the Nepalese state has done nothing significant for them. The people of MangolKirat nationality know their state of being and are asking for Libuwan, Khambuwan and so on. The same psychological phenomenon is there in other regions too. Hence, the regions and nationalities all over Nepal have expectations that they should get the right to govern themselves. Most of the time and in most of the places, their demands are going beyond duel federalism. They want the right to self determination. When the backbone of the nation, the state system, is so weak, their demands may not be addressed centrally in a comprehensive manner. This situation may lead to territorial disintegration.
There was a joke that a policeman remembered that he was operated by a surgeon 12 years ago. The surgeon had taken his entire brain out when he escaped from the operation theatre. He went back to the surgeon to get his brain back and got it fixed. The surgeon asked where he was for so many years and what he was doing without his brain. The policeman replied that he was a policeman. Now, this time it seems that several persons ran out from the operation theatre without fixing their brains. But this time they did not go for uniform. They put the caps of big leaders on their heads.
The nation and people are in an extraordinarily difficult situation. The nation is at the verge of disintegration, the people are crying for survival and the oppressed social sections, nationalities and regions are dying for justice; the big parties and their big leaders are busy in fattening themselves, their relatives and their cronies. This is utter failure of the leadership. Now, either there would be revolt of unprecedented nature against them and a positive check comes into motion to preserve the national unity of the Nepalese nation or the situation would deteriorate further and the disintegration takes its strategic course. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.
Friday, July 03, 2009
Unified Maoists: A Rapid Political Appraisal
- Govinda Neupane
The former Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got united with the former Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). They gave a new name to themselves - Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Hence, knowing them who they are has become a topic of interest. Therefore, an attempt has been made here to present a brief overview reflecting on their achievements and losses after the Delhi Agreement (November, 2005) to find out their political place now.
What the Unified Maoists attained?
They got American and European acceptance as a political force in Nepal. Although, they are still in the terror related list of America, but that has not much significance as there is nothing substantial at practical level. Some Scandinavian countries are even much friendlier towards them. They got the unusual support from, both India and China in this course barring India's action regarding the last disagreement of the Unified Maoist led government's decision of sacking the army chief.
They got the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election. They played effective role in abolishing the monarchy. Irrespective of good or bad governance, they led the government of Nepal for nine months.
Their strength might have gone up in numerical sense after many independents (including former monarchists) and cadres of other parties joined them. Also, they got united with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). The process of the merger was quite interesting. The former Maoist party merged with former Unity Center-Masal, politically and ideologically; whereas former Unity Center-Masal merged with former Maoist party organizationally.
While they were running the government, they performed better in some areas, particularly in generating revenue.
They generated great hopes among people and created a sense of empowerment among the suppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and oppressed as well as exploited masses. Although it was relative and temporary, but happiness is happiness. And, also strategically, seeds of awareness and taste of accomplishments never die.
What are their losses?
Sudden and unpredictable change of tactics including the political line created a situation that contributed to derailment of the path of the Nepalese democratic revolution. There was no vertical organizational split, though a few leaders including Matrika Yadav left the party. But there were horizontal divisions of unprecedented nature in many areas including approaches, political line, tactics and relationships. Many party cadres, PLA cadres and sympathizers either started to feel betrayed or became confused and developed suspicion on the motives of the leadership. The famous or infamous Shaktikhor video works as an evidence of such situation inside the Unified Maoist's world. This was the biggest loss of the Unified Maoist. In reality, the revolutionaries, once again, have to clear roadblocks.
The Unified Maoist's another major loss was that of diminishing credibility of the frontline leadership. Their art of speaking conveniently became known to everybody. Perhaps, it was their compulsion as they were playing a game by using different rules of different games. Credibility loss is one of the most serious diseases for any political party or politician and the diagnosis is that the Unified Maoist also has been suffering from this disease.
They failed in running the government smoothly and people started to suspect their intention and ability to translating the slogan of new Nepal into reality. Insecurity, lawlessness and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities added misery to people's lives even during the time they ruled.
Ideological and political divisions within the leadership have created several platforms. Among them, three platforms have some degree of objectivity. First platform is composed of outright practitioners of people's multiparty democracy. They are talking loud to camouflage their course at least for sometime. Second group is busy remembering the glory of the past but is accommodating with both camps within the party. They are undecided regarding their choice for future course. This is a mobile platform. The third platform disagrees with the first, but lacks vision, courage and charisma. This platform has been in a situation of bewilderment. They seem quite clear on ideology, strategy and tactics, but they have no comprehensive plan of action and motivation for a new drive. Registering 'note of decent' and leaving rest to circumstances is their modality. In this way, the intra-party struggle is neither fierce nor result oriented. Hence, all the platforms within the Unified Maoist party are in the state of decreased self-confidence.
As there is split between Unified Maoists and the Maoists (new organizational mechanisms led by Matrika Yadav and Mani Thapa), now it is natural that there would be polarization of forces, may be disproportionately for sometime. This polarization may gain momentum the day when the process of assimilation within the political mainstream of the Unified Maoists would be relatively complete and clearly visible.
In international arena, they have already lost the goodwill of the forces of radical social change including the goodwill of the Indian Maoists. The letter sent to Unified Maoists by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) dated April 20, 2009 has elaborated the differences clearly.
Where they stand today?
Now, the Unified Maoist party is an amalgamation of different political and social forces and interest groups. This has become a mechanical mixture of liberal lefts, progressive nationalists and floating members of political intelligentsia. Through a long process of cooperation and cohabitation with the centrist and center-left parties, the Unified Maoists also has become a member of the conglomerate of mainstream parties. This conglomerate revolves around a large circle made out of two ingredients - status quo and evolutionary change. Now, the Unified Maoists are simply the center-left political force. Still they could lead the process of evolutionary change in the society. They are a progressive political force and could add value in bringing incremental change. But, when they say that they are the revolutionary force and they say that they are capable to lead the process of societal transformation; nobody other than they themselves and their blind followers believe in. Exactly, they traveled through the same 'conversion path' invented by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) about two decades ago. This path took UML to their desired destination and converted them to social democrats. What would happen to the Unified Maoist party now? By examining through the application of political genetics, the DNA of the Unified Maoist party has matched with the DNA of UML. Notwithstanding the bitterness, quarrel and bullfights; they are the first cousins, if not siblings. Hence, the people, Nepalese nation and progressive political, social and economic forces should level their expectations accordingly and should rediscover the transformational political process, strategies and tactics appropriately.
July 01, 2009
The former Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got united with the former Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). They gave a new name to themselves - Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Hence, knowing them who they are has become a topic of interest. Therefore, an attempt has been made here to present a brief overview reflecting on their achievements and losses after the Delhi Agreement (November, 2005) to find out their political place now.
What the Unified Maoists attained?
They got American and European acceptance as a political force in Nepal. Although, they are still in the terror related list of America, but that has not much significance as there is nothing substantial at practical level. Some Scandinavian countries are even much friendlier towards them. They got the unusual support from, both India and China in this course barring India's action regarding the last disagreement of the Unified Maoist led government's decision of sacking the army chief.
They got the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election. They played effective role in abolishing the monarchy. Irrespective of good or bad governance, they led the government of Nepal for nine months.
Their strength might have gone up in numerical sense after many independents (including former monarchists) and cadres of other parties joined them. Also, they got united with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). The process of the merger was quite interesting. The former Maoist party merged with former Unity Center-Masal, politically and ideologically; whereas former Unity Center-Masal merged with former Maoist party organizationally.
While they were running the government, they performed better in some areas, particularly in generating revenue.
They generated great hopes among people and created a sense of empowerment among the suppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and oppressed as well as exploited masses. Although it was relative and temporary, but happiness is happiness. And, also strategically, seeds of awareness and taste of accomplishments never die.
What are their losses?
Sudden and unpredictable change of tactics including the political line created a situation that contributed to derailment of the path of the Nepalese democratic revolution. There was no vertical organizational split, though a few leaders including Matrika Yadav left the party. But there were horizontal divisions of unprecedented nature in many areas including approaches, political line, tactics and relationships. Many party cadres, PLA cadres and sympathizers either started to feel betrayed or became confused and developed suspicion on the motives of the leadership. The famous or infamous Shaktikhor video works as an evidence of such situation inside the Unified Maoist's world. This was the biggest loss of the Unified Maoist. In reality, the revolutionaries, once again, have to clear roadblocks.
The Unified Maoist's another major loss was that of diminishing credibility of the frontline leadership. Their art of speaking conveniently became known to everybody. Perhaps, it was their compulsion as they were playing a game by using different rules of different games. Credibility loss is one of the most serious diseases for any political party or politician and the diagnosis is that the Unified Maoist also has been suffering from this disease.
They failed in running the government smoothly and people started to suspect their intention and ability to translating the slogan of new Nepal into reality. Insecurity, lawlessness and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities added misery to people's lives even during the time they ruled.
Ideological and political divisions within the leadership have created several platforms. Among them, three platforms have some degree of objectivity. First platform is composed of outright practitioners of people's multiparty democracy. They are talking loud to camouflage their course at least for sometime. Second group is busy remembering the glory of the past but is accommodating with both camps within the party. They are undecided regarding their choice for future course. This is a mobile platform. The third platform disagrees with the first, but lacks vision, courage and charisma. This platform has been in a situation of bewilderment. They seem quite clear on ideology, strategy and tactics, but they have no comprehensive plan of action and motivation for a new drive. Registering 'note of decent' and leaving rest to circumstances is their modality. In this way, the intra-party struggle is neither fierce nor result oriented. Hence, all the platforms within the Unified Maoist party are in the state of decreased self-confidence.
As there is split between Unified Maoists and the Maoists (new organizational mechanisms led by Matrika Yadav and Mani Thapa), now it is natural that there would be polarization of forces, may be disproportionately for sometime. This polarization may gain momentum the day when the process of assimilation within the political mainstream of the Unified Maoists would be relatively complete and clearly visible.
In international arena, they have already lost the goodwill of the forces of radical social change including the goodwill of the Indian Maoists. The letter sent to Unified Maoists by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) dated April 20, 2009 has elaborated the differences clearly.
Where they stand today?
Now, the Unified Maoist party is an amalgamation of different political and social forces and interest groups. This has become a mechanical mixture of liberal lefts, progressive nationalists and floating members of political intelligentsia. Through a long process of cooperation and cohabitation with the centrist and center-left parties, the Unified Maoists also has become a member of the conglomerate of mainstream parties. This conglomerate revolves around a large circle made out of two ingredients - status quo and evolutionary change. Now, the Unified Maoists are simply the center-left political force. Still they could lead the process of evolutionary change in the society. They are a progressive political force and could add value in bringing incremental change. But, when they say that they are the revolutionary force and they say that they are capable to lead the process of societal transformation; nobody other than they themselves and their blind followers believe in. Exactly, they traveled through the same 'conversion path' invented by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) about two decades ago. This path took UML to their desired destination and converted them to social democrats. What would happen to the Unified Maoist party now? By examining through the application of political genetics, the DNA of the Unified Maoist party has matched with the DNA of UML. Notwithstanding the bitterness, quarrel and bullfights; they are the first cousins, if not siblings. Hence, the people, Nepalese nation and progressive political, social and economic forces should level their expectations accordingly and should rediscover the transformational political process, strategies and tactics appropriately.
July 01, 2009
Red Nepal Turns White Ephemerally
Govinda Neupane
(Previously, the article was posted on http://www.ujyalonepal.blogspot.com/ under an assumed name Ratna Prabhat. First time published in August 29, 2008)
The hopes and aspirations created by the decade long people's war between the holder of the old regressive regime and the aspirants of the new progressive state power had generated tremendous energy that heralded the beginning of a new era. The consciously designed course of socio-political change was vivid. The people not only could see it but also could sense, hear and touch. That was seen in human relationships, class relationships and community relationships. The production processes also had been influenced including the roles of the productive forces. The process of political empowerment had initiated all powerful attempts that could lead to human emancipation. The tempest of forward march was seen all over Nepal, particularly in its rural areas. Every next day, it was uniquely different than the previous day. There was all pervading anticipation that tomorrow would be markedly different than today. After the People's Movement II, the momentum some how got obstructed. The tempest of change started to pass through the process of "go slow" and ultimately it was surpassed by the arrangements of real politicking such as power sharing, coalition formations and adjustments between the forces of change and the forces of status quo.In the rapidly changing political scenario, many people feel bewildered as they were not able to sense the course of events.
The braves turned to be something different, the ones in political hibernation started to bargain and the well-known political crooks and their organizations started to shine. Strange but true! Nepal slowly but steadily started to turn white.The people in uniform called People's Liberation Army (PLA) all of the sudden discovered that they have to take care of their families themselves. The children of these PLA soldiers born as the sons or daughters of full time PLA parents became pariah with an uncertain future. Many of these PLA soldiers have no resource base to support the survival and development of these children. Not only the children but they themselves would face difficulties in managing their livelihood. Now, the easy option is to integrate them with the regular government army. This could solve their personal problems but they will have to sacrifice their dreams of human emancipation. They would be the part of the same armed bureaucracy that has been there for about two and a half centuries. In any case, the integration would effectively finish the PLA together with their dream, a dream of emancipated humanity.
The landless and poor peasants, who were at the forefront of the movement, also had developed a dream, a dream of justice, prosperity and advancement. Even, they had got land to cultivate as part of the agrarian reform process, a land reform of limited scale and magnitude. They had started to develop some sorts of the sense of ownership over the land they got. Now, they are going to loose that temporary ownership/tilling right. Their dream has been shattered. The industrial, construction, service delivery and other off-farm workers, both organized and unorganized, had developed a dream, a dream of better working conditions, better wages and respectful owner-worker relationship. Most of them have been connected to one or the other labor unions. Their bargaining capacity had greatly increased. But, now, when the process of negotiated settlement of the class conflict started, gradually they have been loosing the ground. The priority on industrial peace would effectively overshadow their rights and aspirations. There is high possibility that from now on, they would loose their bargaining power even more. Their dream also has confronted with the rough political weather and is at the verge of vanishing.
The people's governance mechanisms at local levels called "Jana Sarkars" (people's governments) have lost their relevance. The functionaries of such mechanisms became unemployed. Till two years ago, their writ was running as effectively as that of any functional government. Now, not only their opponents are against them but their own creators also have disowned them. This has effectively ended the power exercising organizational mechanism created by the decade-long war.The youths organized as militia in the past and converted to Young Communist League (YCL) afterward played significant role in curbing crimes, taming the untamable and delivering justice instantly. It is also equally true that in many cases, they committed excesses. Particularly, it happened due to the need of short cuts to win the election. They were the most powerful instruments during that time. Now, they are considered a spent force. Their role has been in question by their opponents and media, both.
The youths organized through the process of popular mobilizations and social actions are at the verge of disappearance as organized force. Alternatively, they could be surviving as vegetable/paddy growing community as some of their leaders are advocating such a role for them. The "people's courts" are now going to be replaced with the old state's courts. The verdict delivered by the "people's courts" and reversal of such decisions would create a mess in the lives of many people, particularly in the rural areas. It is not the question of integrating two systems in one, but in all practical sense, it is deactivating one and accepting the functional as well as legal jurisdiction of the other. In such situation, "people's courts" will be deactivated and the old state's court system will have the sole judicial authority.
A large majority of the sympathizers, who had started believing that the new era of illumination and abundance would be not that far, have started now to question their own expectations. Moreover, many among them have been expressing bewilderment. They had distant past that was full of difficulties; they had yesterday that was full of hopes and dreams; they have today that is full of uncertainties and bewilderments and they have no clear cut picture of tomorrow. They are feeling speechless; as if the whole euphoria of emancipation got multiple accidents at one go. The most affected lot is none other than the party cadres. They offered everything that belongs to them - time, energy, personal property, physical strength, intellectual capacities and emotional treasures. They had an ideal and they sacrificed everything to attain goals that help to realize that ideal. The ideal was the complete and sustainable emancipation of human being - a state of human civilization where oppression, suppression, injustices, poverty, ignorance and unjustifiably unequal human relations, wealth accumulations and opportunity allocations would be the stories of past. The society would be thriving because of the civility, enterprise, technological advances and enlightened behavior of its owners/creators/sustainers - the people. Now, that ideal has been questioned and the path reaching there has been going through twists and turns.
The common party cadres are divided between the followers of today's statesmen and yesterday's guides. The average party cadres are at loss of a guide, philosopher and mentor - the party that commands their respect. The party is still there, but that is some how different than the party they built. Many among the common cadres neither could cry nor could celebrate. They are in a state of bemusement, as if they have lost their sense of judgment. A large number of people made sacrifices.
More than 13000 people sacrificed their lives. Many people sacrificed their organs or body parts as a result of the massive injuries they suffered. Many of them sacrificed their freedom for years as they were languished behind the bars. Many people sacrificed their tears as their beloved ones were taken away from them permanently. The sacrifice made in the form of emotional treasures, perhaps, is one of the most important sacrifices made by the surviving relatives and comrades. Now, they are looking at developments that are not in conformity with the dreams they had during the time they were or are making these contributions.According to the law of contradictions; the new fight is imminent to begin from a new height.
The forces tilting towards the forces of status quo and the forces desirous to march to attain the goal of establishing a new progressive regime in Nepal have no option other than to fight against each other. Hence, there would be a new realignment. That realignment would break relationships, which have the foundation in the previous form of political arrangements. Such realignment would give birth to a new environment for the political as well as armed forces and mass organizations to go through a process of critical assessment of the objective situation. This realignment will also influence the behaviors of the social and economic forces and will encourage them to reassess their respective roles.
Certainly, in the near future, that realignment would take place. Furthermore, that realignment would open up the flood gate of political turmoil of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. And, a new path would appear for a new journey to begin. This is nothing other than an integral process of continuous revolution.
(Previously, the article was posted on http://www.ujyalonepal.blogspot.com/ under an assumed name Ratna Prabhat. First time published in August 29, 2008)
The hopes and aspirations created by the decade long people's war between the holder of the old regressive regime and the aspirants of the new progressive state power had generated tremendous energy that heralded the beginning of a new era. The consciously designed course of socio-political change was vivid. The people not only could see it but also could sense, hear and touch. That was seen in human relationships, class relationships and community relationships. The production processes also had been influenced including the roles of the productive forces. The process of political empowerment had initiated all powerful attempts that could lead to human emancipation. The tempest of forward march was seen all over Nepal, particularly in its rural areas. Every next day, it was uniquely different than the previous day. There was all pervading anticipation that tomorrow would be markedly different than today. After the People's Movement II, the momentum some how got obstructed. The tempest of change started to pass through the process of "go slow" and ultimately it was surpassed by the arrangements of real politicking such as power sharing, coalition formations and adjustments between the forces of change and the forces of status quo.In the rapidly changing political scenario, many people feel bewildered as they were not able to sense the course of events.
The braves turned to be something different, the ones in political hibernation started to bargain and the well-known political crooks and their organizations started to shine. Strange but true! Nepal slowly but steadily started to turn white.The people in uniform called People's Liberation Army (PLA) all of the sudden discovered that they have to take care of their families themselves. The children of these PLA soldiers born as the sons or daughters of full time PLA parents became pariah with an uncertain future. Many of these PLA soldiers have no resource base to support the survival and development of these children. Not only the children but they themselves would face difficulties in managing their livelihood. Now, the easy option is to integrate them with the regular government army. This could solve their personal problems but they will have to sacrifice their dreams of human emancipation. They would be the part of the same armed bureaucracy that has been there for about two and a half centuries. In any case, the integration would effectively finish the PLA together with their dream, a dream of emancipated humanity.
The landless and poor peasants, who were at the forefront of the movement, also had developed a dream, a dream of justice, prosperity and advancement. Even, they had got land to cultivate as part of the agrarian reform process, a land reform of limited scale and magnitude. They had started to develop some sorts of the sense of ownership over the land they got. Now, they are going to loose that temporary ownership/tilling right. Their dream has been shattered. The industrial, construction, service delivery and other off-farm workers, both organized and unorganized, had developed a dream, a dream of better working conditions, better wages and respectful owner-worker relationship. Most of them have been connected to one or the other labor unions. Their bargaining capacity had greatly increased. But, now, when the process of negotiated settlement of the class conflict started, gradually they have been loosing the ground. The priority on industrial peace would effectively overshadow their rights and aspirations. There is high possibility that from now on, they would loose their bargaining power even more. Their dream also has confronted with the rough political weather and is at the verge of vanishing.
The people's governance mechanisms at local levels called "Jana Sarkars" (people's governments) have lost their relevance. The functionaries of such mechanisms became unemployed. Till two years ago, their writ was running as effectively as that of any functional government. Now, not only their opponents are against them but their own creators also have disowned them. This has effectively ended the power exercising organizational mechanism created by the decade-long war.The youths organized as militia in the past and converted to Young Communist League (YCL) afterward played significant role in curbing crimes, taming the untamable and delivering justice instantly. It is also equally true that in many cases, they committed excesses. Particularly, it happened due to the need of short cuts to win the election. They were the most powerful instruments during that time. Now, they are considered a spent force. Their role has been in question by their opponents and media, both.
The youths organized through the process of popular mobilizations and social actions are at the verge of disappearance as organized force. Alternatively, they could be surviving as vegetable/paddy growing community as some of their leaders are advocating such a role for them. The "people's courts" are now going to be replaced with the old state's courts. The verdict delivered by the "people's courts" and reversal of such decisions would create a mess in the lives of many people, particularly in the rural areas. It is not the question of integrating two systems in one, but in all practical sense, it is deactivating one and accepting the functional as well as legal jurisdiction of the other. In such situation, "people's courts" will be deactivated and the old state's court system will have the sole judicial authority.
A large majority of the sympathizers, who had started believing that the new era of illumination and abundance would be not that far, have started now to question their own expectations. Moreover, many among them have been expressing bewilderment. They had distant past that was full of difficulties; they had yesterday that was full of hopes and dreams; they have today that is full of uncertainties and bewilderments and they have no clear cut picture of tomorrow. They are feeling speechless; as if the whole euphoria of emancipation got multiple accidents at one go. The most affected lot is none other than the party cadres. They offered everything that belongs to them - time, energy, personal property, physical strength, intellectual capacities and emotional treasures. They had an ideal and they sacrificed everything to attain goals that help to realize that ideal. The ideal was the complete and sustainable emancipation of human being - a state of human civilization where oppression, suppression, injustices, poverty, ignorance and unjustifiably unequal human relations, wealth accumulations and opportunity allocations would be the stories of past. The society would be thriving because of the civility, enterprise, technological advances and enlightened behavior of its owners/creators/sustainers - the people. Now, that ideal has been questioned and the path reaching there has been going through twists and turns.
The common party cadres are divided between the followers of today's statesmen and yesterday's guides. The average party cadres are at loss of a guide, philosopher and mentor - the party that commands their respect. The party is still there, but that is some how different than the party they built. Many among the common cadres neither could cry nor could celebrate. They are in a state of bemusement, as if they have lost their sense of judgment. A large number of people made sacrifices.
More than 13000 people sacrificed their lives. Many people sacrificed their organs or body parts as a result of the massive injuries they suffered. Many of them sacrificed their freedom for years as they were languished behind the bars. Many people sacrificed their tears as their beloved ones were taken away from them permanently. The sacrifice made in the form of emotional treasures, perhaps, is one of the most important sacrifices made by the surviving relatives and comrades. Now, they are looking at developments that are not in conformity with the dreams they had during the time they were or are making these contributions.According to the law of contradictions; the new fight is imminent to begin from a new height.
The forces tilting towards the forces of status quo and the forces desirous to march to attain the goal of establishing a new progressive regime in Nepal have no option other than to fight against each other. Hence, there would be a new realignment. That realignment would break relationships, which have the foundation in the previous form of political arrangements. Such realignment would give birth to a new environment for the political as well as armed forces and mass organizations to go through a process of critical assessment of the objective situation. This realignment will also influence the behaviors of the social and economic forces and will encourage them to reassess their respective roles.
Certainly, in the near future, that realignment would take place. Furthermore, that realignment would open up the flood gate of political turmoil of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. And, a new path would appear for a new journey to begin. This is nothing other than an integral process of continuous revolution.
Saturday, June 06, 2009
Political Quagmire and Glimmer of Hope
Govinda Neupane
During 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, the Nepali Congress contributed to create political awareness among the people, though it had several limitations. During 1970s and 1980s, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) was at the forefront of the movement that tried to rally people around the core agenda of societal transformation. During 1990s and 2000s (except the last few years), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) not only continued the process of transformation at the grassroots, but also it provided alternative mechanism for people's governance and established de-facto state power in a large part of the country. Suddenly, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decided to chart a new course and signed 12-points agreement in Delhi. After traveling through bumpy roads, it has reached somewhere now, though many people including a large number of Unified Maoist cadres do not know where they are and which road they have to go through to reach their vague goal of establishing a people's republic. When the Maoists became the largest party in the constituent assembly and formed the coalition government under their leadership; there was hope, excitement and thrill all over the country. They had launched and continued people's war for more than a decade and their image was that of a revolutionary force free of corruption, nepotism, inaction, lethargy and submission to any kind of unjust pressures and pressure tactics. They ruled Nepal for about nine months. But, the day Unified Maoists vacated the seat of state power, their shining image had already been faded. They lost their revolutionary aroma and unmatched level of credibility. Moreover, people's trust on their ability, sincerity and rationality has also been questioned.
In a country like ours where a large gap exists between the rich and poor, highly educated and illiterates, urban and rural areas, city centers and peripheries, ruling nationality and oppressed nationalities and governing elites and the masses; democracy is just a phrase that refers to some sorts of rituals in certain intervals. These rituals include organizing 'elections', changing ruling elites in some situations and providing space to a few influential elites to bark. Moreover, the rituals also include sub-contracting or out-sourcing of state authority and functions either to crooks and cronies at various level of governance or to political as well as non-political apparatus or to powerful foreign countries. And, the slogan of democracy remains just an elitist rhetoric. Hence, E. N. Muller (1988, Democracy, Economic Development, and Income Inequality, American Sociological Review, 53, 50-68) rightly suggests that for a certain period of time, such countries need to be governed by a party which has radical change agenda to bring down the gaps to a manageable level. This tactical phase may help to build socio-political and economic infrastructure for full fledged democracy. In this context, the Maoists with their radical change agenda could have been the best political force to lead the country to narrow down the large gaps. But the Unified Maoists failed in implementing their agenda and created a situation that forced them to see the exit.
Now, the political process has proceeded to an unknown destination. The general perception is that this is nothing other than status quo ante. The new coalition has no comprehensive program (forget about the ritualistic 'common minimum program'), no cohesive functional mechanism and no credibility. They command no hope as every major party is divided into two groups involved in a fight-to-finish battle. Although, there is no commonality in regard to ideological affinity or programmatic responses, in each and every large party there are Unified Maoists' proxies and their diehard opponents. These groups are no less effective in pulling rugs under the feet of the government. The Unified Maoist-led government failed due to its over-talk and no action (except revenue generation); this government may fail due to less talk and more actions. These actions may include but not limited to daily in-house wrestling, cut-throat competition at the fertile ground of corruption and appeasement in the front of law and order so as to prolong their days in power. The angry Unified Maoists will try to bring down the government by any means at their disposal. Hence, the serenity of villages may end soon and political parties may enter into gang wars giving sleepless nights to ordinary villagers. The cities and towns are already tumultuous and chaotic, anyway.
We need radical transformation of the society. To lead the process of momentous transformation, we need strong and popular political and social forces, which have radical change agenda that addresses inequality, injustice and serious socio-economic and political gaps. Here, it would be desirable to examine the existence and roles of such forces.
The 'famous' 'Civil Society Leaders' have been busy in projecting themselves as the savior of the Nepalese nation and are busy being overly visible. This coalition of former bureaucrats, technocrats, NGO professionals and sidelined political personalities as well as unsuccessful political leaders has been making noises and is creating certain imagery that there is still space for hope from them. In essence, they could bring neither change in the fundamental base of the society nor they could influence in designing the political superstructure of a nation. At best, they can influence to this or that insignificant events or decisions of the government or a political party. Unfortunately, they are projected as supper politico-social functionaries who could influence the future course of a nation. They themselves are in such illusion. Hence, it would be a rational conclusion to see them neither as saviors nor as instrument of substantial change.
Many NGOs behave less like national socio-organizational mechanisms and function more as sub-contractors of the multilateral, bilateral and private (including northern voluntary agencies) donors. They are after green grass; and conflicts, disharmony, inequalities and injustices in Nepal are their pastures. Hence, it is only logical that they never wish to cut down the size of their pastures.
The professional organizations including lawyers association, medical association, engineers' association, university as well as school teacher associations, nurses' association etc, are among the most positive contributors in the process of change. They have contributed in the past, they are contributing most meaningfully today and we could expect they will continue to make wonderful contributions in future. The more they remain apolitical, the better. Only when a national political calamity is imminent or a dawn is at the doorstep, they are welcome to intervene in the political process directly, that too for a brief period. By and large, they did the same in the past and they are doing the same today.
The nationalities' question in Nepal is one among the unresolved issues. The activists and organizations of oppressed nationalities are involved in a tireless struggle to emancipate themselves from oppressive Khasa (Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sannesi) rule. Therefore, they are launching movements to establish autonomous regions of different nationalities. Many intellectuals and politicians, particularly of Khasa origin, are busy propagating that these movements could lead to Nepal's disintegration. Disintegration has its seeds in Khasa chauvinism and not in the oppressed nationalities' liberation endeavors. If Nepal stays stronger, it would stay stronger as the wonderful rainbow federation of different nationalities' autonomous regions/provinces/states. Hence, the forces that are spearheading these movements are contributing to the transformational process that builds a shinning Nepal. Multiculturalism and federalism are the two basic ingredients that are necessary to translate the slogan of a new Nepal into reality. The organizations leading the movements for Limbuvan, Khambuvan (or united Kirat), Madhesh, Tharuhat, Tambasaling, Tamuvan, Magarat (or united Tamumagarat), Khasan, Newa (or Nepah) are the torch bearers of multiculturalism and federalism. These endeavors deserve appreciation, support and salute.
There are political forces, which commanded strong popular support in the past, but now they are just like any other forces of status quo. The lead force in this category is none other than the "Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum" (Madhesi People's Rights Forum). Now, Madhesi Jan Adhikar (Rights of the Madhesi people) is just a begging pot for them. But they are not small-time beggars; they ask for ministerial berths. Eventually, these forces may not lead the process of transformation as people have already seen their greed, opportunist character and betrayal of their commitment. The Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (Tarai Madhes Democratic Party) is, somehow, an exception. Until now, they have successfully maintained their image of a force, which is committed to emancipation of Madhesi people.
A taxi driver from Butwal shared his frustrations and difficulties in managing daily survival and also shed light on some hopes. After a bit long conversation, he shared a secret that they had collected some money and wanted to donate that money to Matrika Yadav. Answering my question of selecting Matrika Yadav, he told that he (Matrika Yadav) sounds the only leader today who has no personal ambition and greed. So, the taxi driver's small community of transport workers collected some money and were trying to get touch with Matrika Yadav or his comrades to hand over that money. This sounds as a petty story. But the story states that the people at grassroots know the value of integrity, sincerity, trust and courage. Now in Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the reactivated party led by Matrika Yadav is one such party with radical change agenda and also it commands credible image. The reactivated Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) could be very small at this moment, but its support base is quite large. They could grow very fast. They are rich with invaluable experiences. They need refinement, correction and realignment. Moreover, they need to develop collective leadership in place of personality cult that over emphasizes on one-man's charisma. They could be one among the major instruments of change. And, together with other progressive political as well as social forces, they may lead the course of historic transformation of the Nepalese society. Thus, the rays of hope are not vanished. The forces that are playing pivotal roles for societal transformation are not absent. Certainly, the road is rough and tough and the weather is foggy, but the caravan has been marching forward energetically.
June, 2009
Posted on www.nepalipost.com (english section/news) on June 08, 2009
During 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, the Nepali Congress contributed to create political awareness among the people, though it had several limitations. During 1970s and 1980s, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) was at the forefront of the movement that tried to rally people around the core agenda of societal transformation. During 1990s and 2000s (except the last few years), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) not only continued the process of transformation at the grassroots, but also it provided alternative mechanism for people's governance and established de-facto state power in a large part of the country. Suddenly, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decided to chart a new course and signed 12-points agreement in Delhi. After traveling through bumpy roads, it has reached somewhere now, though many people including a large number of Unified Maoist cadres do not know where they are and which road they have to go through to reach their vague goal of establishing a people's republic. When the Maoists became the largest party in the constituent assembly and formed the coalition government under their leadership; there was hope, excitement and thrill all over the country. They had launched and continued people's war for more than a decade and their image was that of a revolutionary force free of corruption, nepotism, inaction, lethargy and submission to any kind of unjust pressures and pressure tactics. They ruled Nepal for about nine months. But, the day Unified Maoists vacated the seat of state power, their shining image had already been faded. They lost their revolutionary aroma and unmatched level of credibility. Moreover, people's trust on their ability, sincerity and rationality has also been questioned.
In a country like ours where a large gap exists between the rich and poor, highly educated and illiterates, urban and rural areas, city centers and peripheries, ruling nationality and oppressed nationalities and governing elites and the masses; democracy is just a phrase that refers to some sorts of rituals in certain intervals. These rituals include organizing 'elections', changing ruling elites in some situations and providing space to a few influential elites to bark. Moreover, the rituals also include sub-contracting or out-sourcing of state authority and functions either to crooks and cronies at various level of governance or to political as well as non-political apparatus or to powerful foreign countries. And, the slogan of democracy remains just an elitist rhetoric. Hence, E. N. Muller (1988, Democracy, Economic Development, and Income Inequality, American Sociological Review, 53, 50-68) rightly suggests that for a certain period of time, such countries need to be governed by a party which has radical change agenda to bring down the gaps to a manageable level. This tactical phase may help to build socio-political and economic infrastructure for full fledged democracy. In this context, the Maoists with their radical change agenda could have been the best political force to lead the country to narrow down the large gaps. But the Unified Maoists failed in implementing their agenda and created a situation that forced them to see the exit.
Now, the political process has proceeded to an unknown destination. The general perception is that this is nothing other than status quo ante. The new coalition has no comprehensive program (forget about the ritualistic 'common minimum program'), no cohesive functional mechanism and no credibility. They command no hope as every major party is divided into two groups involved in a fight-to-finish battle. Although, there is no commonality in regard to ideological affinity or programmatic responses, in each and every large party there are Unified Maoists' proxies and their diehard opponents. These groups are no less effective in pulling rugs under the feet of the government. The Unified Maoist-led government failed due to its over-talk and no action (except revenue generation); this government may fail due to less talk and more actions. These actions may include but not limited to daily in-house wrestling, cut-throat competition at the fertile ground of corruption and appeasement in the front of law and order so as to prolong their days in power. The angry Unified Maoists will try to bring down the government by any means at their disposal. Hence, the serenity of villages may end soon and political parties may enter into gang wars giving sleepless nights to ordinary villagers. The cities and towns are already tumultuous and chaotic, anyway.
We need radical transformation of the society. To lead the process of momentous transformation, we need strong and popular political and social forces, which have radical change agenda that addresses inequality, injustice and serious socio-economic and political gaps. Here, it would be desirable to examine the existence and roles of such forces.
The 'famous' 'Civil Society Leaders' have been busy in projecting themselves as the savior of the Nepalese nation and are busy being overly visible. This coalition of former bureaucrats, technocrats, NGO professionals and sidelined political personalities as well as unsuccessful political leaders has been making noises and is creating certain imagery that there is still space for hope from them. In essence, they could bring neither change in the fundamental base of the society nor they could influence in designing the political superstructure of a nation. At best, they can influence to this or that insignificant events or decisions of the government or a political party. Unfortunately, they are projected as supper politico-social functionaries who could influence the future course of a nation. They themselves are in such illusion. Hence, it would be a rational conclusion to see them neither as saviors nor as instrument of substantial change.
Many NGOs behave less like national socio-organizational mechanisms and function more as sub-contractors of the multilateral, bilateral and private (including northern voluntary agencies) donors. They are after green grass; and conflicts, disharmony, inequalities and injustices in Nepal are their pastures. Hence, it is only logical that they never wish to cut down the size of their pastures.
The professional organizations including lawyers association, medical association, engineers' association, university as well as school teacher associations, nurses' association etc, are among the most positive contributors in the process of change. They have contributed in the past, they are contributing most meaningfully today and we could expect they will continue to make wonderful contributions in future. The more they remain apolitical, the better. Only when a national political calamity is imminent or a dawn is at the doorstep, they are welcome to intervene in the political process directly, that too for a brief period. By and large, they did the same in the past and they are doing the same today.
The nationalities' question in Nepal is one among the unresolved issues. The activists and organizations of oppressed nationalities are involved in a tireless struggle to emancipate themselves from oppressive Khasa (Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sannesi) rule. Therefore, they are launching movements to establish autonomous regions of different nationalities. Many intellectuals and politicians, particularly of Khasa origin, are busy propagating that these movements could lead to Nepal's disintegration. Disintegration has its seeds in Khasa chauvinism and not in the oppressed nationalities' liberation endeavors. If Nepal stays stronger, it would stay stronger as the wonderful rainbow federation of different nationalities' autonomous regions/provinces/states. Hence, the forces that are spearheading these movements are contributing to the transformational process that builds a shinning Nepal. Multiculturalism and federalism are the two basic ingredients that are necessary to translate the slogan of a new Nepal into reality. The organizations leading the movements for Limbuvan, Khambuvan (or united Kirat), Madhesh, Tharuhat, Tambasaling, Tamuvan, Magarat (or united Tamumagarat), Khasan, Newa (or Nepah) are the torch bearers of multiculturalism and federalism. These endeavors deserve appreciation, support and salute.
There are political forces, which commanded strong popular support in the past, but now they are just like any other forces of status quo. The lead force in this category is none other than the "Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum" (Madhesi People's Rights Forum). Now, Madhesi Jan Adhikar (Rights of the Madhesi people) is just a begging pot for them. But they are not small-time beggars; they ask for ministerial berths. Eventually, these forces may not lead the process of transformation as people have already seen their greed, opportunist character and betrayal of their commitment. The Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (Tarai Madhes Democratic Party) is, somehow, an exception. Until now, they have successfully maintained their image of a force, which is committed to emancipation of Madhesi people.
A taxi driver from Butwal shared his frustrations and difficulties in managing daily survival and also shed light on some hopes. After a bit long conversation, he shared a secret that they had collected some money and wanted to donate that money to Matrika Yadav. Answering my question of selecting Matrika Yadav, he told that he (Matrika Yadav) sounds the only leader today who has no personal ambition and greed. So, the taxi driver's small community of transport workers collected some money and were trying to get touch with Matrika Yadav or his comrades to hand over that money. This sounds as a petty story. But the story states that the people at grassroots know the value of integrity, sincerity, trust and courage. Now in Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the reactivated party led by Matrika Yadav is one such party with radical change agenda and also it commands credible image. The reactivated Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) could be very small at this moment, but its support base is quite large. They could grow very fast. They are rich with invaluable experiences. They need refinement, correction and realignment. Moreover, they need to develop collective leadership in place of personality cult that over emphasizes on one-man's charisma. They could be one among the major instruments of change. And, together with other progressive political as well as social forces, they may lead the course of historic transformation of the Nepalese society. Thus, the rays of hope are not vanished. The forces that are playing pivotal roles for societal transformation are not absent. Certainly, the road is rough and tough and the weather is foggy, but the caravan has been marching forward energetically.
June, 2009
Posted on www.nepalipost.com (english section/news) on June 08, 2009
Saturday, January 24, 2009
New Nepal Not Yet: Mission Continues
Govinda Neupane
The declaration of Nepal as a republic had communicated the historic positive message that Nepal would enter into a new era of reconstruction that could give birth to a new beginning towards justice, equity and prosperity. It is true that within a few months nothing could be changed miraculously, but that time could be enough to consolidate hope, accelerate enthusiasm and formulate basic course to drive the nation to the right direction.
The Prime Minister sounds sensitive towards people's feelings but has shown inefficiency in addressing their needs and aspirations, pragmatically. Just nice speeches, strong threats and public posturing of statesmanship do no good if there are no actions that offer policy responses and operational arrangements. Loud talking, being emotional and doing nothing substantial could erode credibility, trust and reliability of any person including leaders. The same has happened to the Prime Minister. His image of a strong, visionary and revolutionary leader has been eroding every day. The same is true for his deputy, the scholar-politician Finance Minister. Opposite to his public image, he is busy in micro-management of economy and has degenerated himself as a tax administrator. The leadership of the government, primarily composed of these two leaders, thus, failed in generating hope and showing the seeds of a new beginning - the journey to societal transformation.
The Maoist party that has been providing leadership to the executive branch of the government has been busy in the process of self-deconstruction. Mixing sand in its fertile soil is the business what the Maoist party is busy with. The much hyped unity with the "Unity Center" is the evidence of this business. If the 'revolutionary leaders' of the CPN (UML), fringe left parties and even those of Congress would assimilate within the Maoist party, people may not be astonished, now.
The second largest party in the government, the CPN (UML) has been playing all roles, as usual. It is government. It is opposition. It is the alternative state. It is protector of the existing army. It is a bridge between opposition and government. It is everything. Hence, neither they carry credible image nor do they have courage to present themselves exactly what they are. The Maoist leadership knows this better than anybody else. Hence, neither they spend sleepless nights due to the vocal diarrhea of the UML leaders nor they are in the mood of celebration by hearing their rosy speeches.
The Congress party has never been proactive in its entire history. It is a reactive party by nature. Representing the interests of upper sections of the society, pursuing the capitalist ideology camouflaged as socialist and peddling through soft nationalism in regard to dealing with India are some of its core characteristics. Whether it is in the government or in opposition; the party doesn't change its operational modalities. It is just absent in actions related to mass awakening, people's empowerment and their wellbeing. Making its own cadres (particularly those who are around its leaders and their relatives) fat is the core business of the Congress bureaucracy. Therefore, it becomes no news when it makes no sound today.
The Madhesi parties are busy averting divisions within their own parties and among parties with the same agenda of "One Madhesh, One Pradesh (province)". They too are largely united around certain rhetoric and are happy being the champion of that rhetoric.
The parties of former royalists have nothing much to contribute to the reconstruction process and are just happy making their presence felt by attending one or the other gatherings.
The above analysis presents a gloomy picture in regard to the acts of the political actors. The loud talks of "New Nepal" and "Societal Transformation" sound just lifeless phrases.
Why all this looks like very negative phenomenon? This is not a negative interpretation of the reality. The reality itself is not illuminating. A few evidences might help to realize such phenomenon. We are having historic power-cut of 16 hours daily. The rate of inflation is above 14%. The share market has gone down by 48% in 4 months. Undisciplined ministers have finished the whole annual budget for foreign travel (allocated for the cabinet members) in less than 5 months. There is a crowd of 601 persons sitting in the International Conference Building without entering into their core business of drafting a new constitution. The drastic reduction of state presence, particularly in the countryside has resulted to near break-down of law and order. Moreover, the stated or unstated out sourcing of the state functions to vigilante groups have created multiple de-facto state actors making people most vulnerable to coercion, threats and intimidation. Hence, the central governance mechanism has been gradually loosing its control. These are just a few examples.
Why all this has been happening?
The superstructure is the reflection of the base. The fundamentals of the Nepalese society are still quite weak. A large section of the society is surviving in a situation of dire poverty. They do not have enough to eat. They have no time and resources to think about their development. The illiteracy is quite high. In such situation of illiteracy, talking about their level of critical awareness is just luxury. The child mortality, maternal mortality and average life expectancy are on the negative side. The social fabric of the society has been discriminatory in several areas, which includes but not limited to nationalities, gender, geographical region, social hierarchy including the infamous caste system. Organized social behavior is at its infancy at local level. The service delivery mechanism is either absent or non-functional in large part of the country. Therefore, the philosophically hi-tech, intellectually scholarly, attitudinally value driven and practically non-functional socio-political superstructure has failed to address the real issues not only at micro-level but also at macro-level. In such background, the political leadership is rich in distribution of dreams and strangely incompetent as well as unwilling to deliver anything substantial including policy formulations, programmatic responses, service delivery and even expressing genuinely sympathetic concerns. The Maoists during the time of "people's war" very much mobilized the people and ignited the course of societal transformation, which generated hope among the masses. But, their final journey to Singhadurbar (seat of political power in Kathmandu) under a power-sharing arrangement compelled them to abandon the course. Now, there is leadership vacuum at grassroots level. Hence, there are several splinter groups under different organizational banners competing against each other and also against the weak central government authority to rule over the territory of their influence.
Is there no hope at all?
There is hopelessness on one side, but also there is silver lining in the dark cloud. In 1951, Nepal had just one degree college. Now, within 60 years the number has jumped many folds. The same is applicable in areas of other infrastructures. Nepal is going through the process of tumultuous renewal. The governments of different times, including the one that of today, irresponsibly delayed the process of transformation. But, never have they succeeded in completely obstructing the process of change. Although, it was slow, the under-current of change never subsided. The anti-Rana rebellion of 1950s, anti-feudal Jhapa movement of 1970s, anti-Shah/Panchayat movement of 1980s, Maoists People's War of 1990s and 2000s and anti-monarchy people's movement of 2006 all added fuel in the lamp, which has been illuminating the Nepalese nation for a long time. Moreover, the lamp has been providing the light to all, who are marching forward with a desire of participating in the glorious campaign of human emancipation. Although, it is still not well organized and still lacks critical awareness, the Nepalese society is moving ahead through the processes of continuous renewal and mass awakening. The people at grassroots would continue the democratization process of their respective societies. Redistribution of power and resources has already been at the core of the grassroots agenda. Reorganization of the Nepalese society (that is free from Khasa chauvinism, male domination, internal colonization as well as regional neglect and Hindu caste hierarchy including the cruelty of untouchability) has been gaining momentum. All these factors together will contribute to build solid foundations to the new socio-political superstructures, which will ensure the success of the final leap of the reconstruction process that would crystallize democracy, social justice, basic equality and prosperity. This new leap may take several years to succeed, but certainly there would be that shinning Nepal, the new Nepal of our dream.
January 22, 2009
The declaration of Nepal as a republic had communicated the historic positive message that Nepal would enter into a new era of reconstruction that could give birth to a new beginning towards justice, equity and prosperity. It is true that within a few months nothing could be changed miraculously, but that time could be enough to consolidate hope, accelerate enthusiasm and formulate basic course to drive the nation to the right direction.
The Prime Minister sounds sensitive towards people's feelings but has shown inefficiency in addressing their needs and aspirations, pragmatically. Just nice speeches, strong threats and public posturing of statesmanship do no good if there are no actions that offer policy responses and operational arrangements. Loud talking, being emotional and doing nothing substantial could erode credibility, trust and reliability of any person including leaders. The same has happened to the Prime Minister. His image of a strong, visionary and revolutionary leader has been eroding every day. The same is true for his deputy, the scholar-politician Finance Minister. Opposite to his public image, he is busy in micro-management of economy and has degenerated himself as a tax administrator. The leadership of the government, primarily composed of these two leaders, thus, failed in generating hope and showing the seeds of a new beginning - the journey to societal transformation.
The Maoist party that has been providing leadership to the executive branch of the government has been busy in the process of self-deconstruction. Mixing sand in its fertile soil is the business what the Maoist party is busy with. The much hyped unity with the "Unity Center" is the evidence of this business. If the 'revolutionary leaders' of the CPN (UML), fringe left parties and even those of Congress would assimilate within the Maoist party, people may not be astonished, now.
The second largest party in the government, the CPN (UML) has been playing all roles, as usual. It is government. It is opposition. It is the alternative state. It is protector of the existing army. It is a bridge between opposition and government. It is everything. Hence, neither they carry credible image nor do they have courage to present themselves exactly what they are. The Maoist leadership knows this better than anybody else. Hence, neither they spend sleepless nights due to the vocal diarrhea of the UML leaders nor they are in the mood of celebration by hearing their rosy speeches.
The Congress party has never been proactive in its entire history. It is a reactive party by nature. Representing the interests of upper sections of the society, pursuing the capitalist ideology camouflaged as socialist and peddling through soft nationalism in regard to dealing with India are some of its core characteristics. Whether it is in the government or in opposition; the party doesn't change its operational modalities. It is just absent in actions related to mass awakening, people's empowerment and their wellbeing. Making its own cadres (particularly those who are around its leaders and their relatives) fat is the core business of the Congress bureaucracy. Therefore, it becomes no news when it makes no sound today.
The Madhesi parties are busy averting divisions within their own parties and among parties with the same agenda of "One Madhesh, One Pradesh (province)". They too are largely united around certain rhetoric and are happy being the champion of that rhetoric.
The parties of former royalists have nothing much to contribute to the reconstruction process and are just happy making their presence felt by attending one or the other gatherings.
The above analysis presents a gloomy picture in regard to the acts of the political actors. The loud talks of "New Nepal" and "Societal Transformation" sound just lifeless phrases.
Why all this looks like very negative phenomenon? This is not a negative interpretation of the reality. The reality itself is not illuminating. A few evidences might help to realize such phenomenon. We are having historic power-cut of 16 hours daily. The rate of inflation is above 14%. The share market has gone down by 48% in 4 months. Undisciplined ministers have finished the whole annual budget for foreign travel (allocated for the cabinet members) in less than 5 months. There is a crowd of 601 persons sitting in the International Conference Building without entering into their core business of drafting a new constitution. The drastic reduction of state presence, particularly in the countryside has resulted to near break-down of law and order. Moreover, the stated or unstated out sourcing of the state functions to vigilante groups have created multiple de-facto state actors making people most vulnerable to coercion, threats and intimidation. Hence, the central governance mechanism has been gradually loosing its control. These are just a few examples.
Why all this has been happening?
The superstructure is the reflection of the base. The fundamentals of the Nepalese society are still quite weak. A large section of the society is surviving in a situation of dire poverty. They do not have enough to eat. They have no time and resources to think about their development. The illiteracy is quite high. In such situation of illiteracy, talking about their level of critical awareness is just luxury. The child mortality, maternal mortality and average life expectancy are on the negative side. The social fabric of the society has been discriminatory in several areas, which includes but not limited to nationalities, gender, geographical region, social hierarchy including the infamous caste system. Organized social behavior is at its infancy at local level. The service delivery mechanism is either absent or non-functional in large part of the country. Therefore, the philosophically hi-tech, intellectually scholarly, attitudinally value driven and practically non-functional socio-political superstructure has failed to address the real issues not only at micro-level but also at macro-level. In such background, the political leadership is rich in distribution of dreams and strangely incompetent as well as unwilling to deliver anything substantial including policy formulations, programmatic responses, service delivery and even expressing genuinely sympathetic concerns. The Maoists during the time of "people's war" very much mobilized the people and ignited the course of societal transformation, which generated hope among the masses. But, their final journey to Singhadurbar (seat of political power in Kathmandu) under a power-sharing arrangement compelled them to abandon the course. Now, there is leadership vacuum at grassroots level. Hence, there are several splinter groups under different organizational banners competing against each other and also against the weak central government authority to rule over the territory of their influence.
Is there no hope at all?
There is hopelessness on one side, but also there is silver lining in the dark cloud. In 1951, Nepal had just one degree college. Now, within 60 years the number has jumped many folds. The same is applicable in areas of other infrastructures. Nepal is going through the process of tumultuous renewal. The governments of different times, including the one that of today, irresponsibly delayed the process of transformation. But, never have they succeeded in completely obstructing the process of change. Although, it was slow, the under-current of change never subsided. The anti-Rana rebellion of 1950s, anti-feudal Jhapa movement of 1970s, anti-Shah/Panchayat movement of 1980s, Maoists People's War of 1990s and 2000s and anti-monarchy people's movement of 2006 all added fuel in the lamp, which has been illuminating the Nepalese nation for a long time. Moreover, the lamp has been providing the light to all, who are marching forward with a desire of participating in the glorious campaign of human emancipation. Although, it is still not well organized and still lacks critical awareness, the Nepalese society is moving ahead through the processes of continuous renewal and mass awakening. The people at grassroots would continue the democratization process of their respective societies. Redistribution of power and resources has already been at the core of the grassroots agenda. Reorganization of the Nepalese society (that is free from Khasa chauvinism, male domination, internal colonization as well as regional neglect and Hindu caste hierarchy including the cruelty of untouchability) has been gaining momentum. All these factors together will contribute to build solid foundations to the new socio-political superstructures, which will ensure the success of the final leap of the reconstruction process that would crystallize democracy, social justice, basic equality and prosperity. This new leap may take several years to succeed, but certainly there would be that shinning Nepal, the new Nepal of our dream.
January 22, 2009
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