Thursday, November 28, 2013

POST ELECTION NEPAL : POLLS RIGGED OR NOT BUT NEGATIVE AGAINST THE MAOISTS


Govinda Neupane

The election of the second Constituent Assembly (CA) has been basically over. The old 'greats' Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist party of Nepal (UML) are back to the position of their grand old days. The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) or UCPNM tested the bitter pills. The Madhesi parties shed their muscles and became smaller and, perhaps, fitter. The monarchist pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal (RPPN) has done fairly better. The small parties got the slice of the cake according to their strength and size. The election boycotting Nepal Communist Party-Maoist led front has been sidelined or has emerged stronger; nobody knows exactly as they were out of the contest. 

Now, there are fierce debates on fairness and impartiality of the election and its process as rigging has become a buzzword. Another issue of larger concern is the probable course, the poll-boycotting force, the Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist (CPNM) may adopt. The third issue is that of government formation. The fourth is the task of constitution writing and the fifth is to address the larger issues of people's livelihood and taking the country to the path of progress.
Let's examine the issues one by one.

  1. Election – Impartial or rigged?
Initially, there was general consensus among the mainstream political parties that the election was peaceful and impartial. Every top leaders of poll participating parties were in hurry to thank the people, election commission and interim government. However, at the middle of the night, UCPNM discovered that the election was rigged. The next morning, some other parties joined UCPNM. Prominent among them included Sanghiya Samajbadi Party (SSP) and Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum, Nepal (MJFN).

The article by Dr. Prakash Chandra Lohani published in a popular Nepali newspaper 'raveled' a modus operandi that was used for rigging. This revelation gave some credence to the "Rigging Theory". The probability of involvement of the army in this process made the situation further complicated. UCPNM blamed some abstract forces for this 'rigging', Dr. Lohani pointed finger to army's complicity and "pro-rigging theory" media blamed India for staging a grand show behind the curtain. Among the believers of "Rigging Theory", nobody knows exactly what went wrong, but they strongly feel that the election results are cooked by using rigging as the fuel. In the past, when King Birendra Shah and his family members were murdered, many people blamed his near and dear in killing of him and his family. They did not know how, but concluded that they know who. The same thing has repeated now. The believers of "Rigging Theory" do not know how and who did it, but are sure that the election was rigged. I leave it for future to dig out the truth, if anything needs to be discovered. 

However, this "Rigging Theory" gave comfort to UCPNM and helped to save the morale of their cadres. This is, perhaps, the positive outcome of this theory. More than this, there would be no big impact due to this theory. UCPNM will sneak into the CA edifice in one or the other way and the business will continue as usual.

One point should be noted down here that primarily, the voters voted against the highhanded behaviors of the cadres, vulgar luxuries of the leaders and anti-people as well as anti-nation policies of the UCPNM rather than endorsing NC and UML agenda. If it is not rigged, it is a negative vote against the UCPNM. 

  1. What would be the future course of the forces boycotting CA election?
The CPNM- led front has lost some glory as the voting percentage was high, but it is also in a position of celebration as in the mainstream there is hue and cry regarding rigging. This phenomenon gave opportunity to the front for self-assessment and also provided some moral high ground.
Now, they have two options available.

 First, they will boycott the entire process of constitution writing, discredit the entire CA and go for mass agitation for new way for drafting a new constitution. This way, by excluding them from the new constitution drating process, they may keep option open for burning the constitution in near future. The forces fighting for inclusion and justice, which were in favor of federalism with identity of nationalities and social, political and economic justice for Dalits may form coalition with them, and in this way they could build a formidable force. They will basically function as the permanent opposition and one fine morning the CPNM may start armed rebellion. 

Second, they will enter into debate to formulate a constitution that could insert a few provisions, which are dear to the front's heart. These provisions, if included, may assuage the ego of the front and also could make the constitution a bit more inclusive. They will not burn the constitution and will repeate what UML had done in 1990s. They will say "support with reservation" and go slowly the UML way and assimilate in the larger canvas of the conventional politics. 

  1. How the government would be formulated?
Now, this is a major question. 

There are two probable options here too.

The first and more probable option makes the situation easier to form the government and more complicated to deliver. The NC has emerged as the single largest party. UML could not survive without fodder and power is its lone fodder. Hence, rather than staying in opposition, it will join the government with juicy ministries under its control. When its pathfinder UML joins the government, the ardent follower, the UCPNM also would jump into the bandwagon. The fourth party, the RPPN would lead the opposition with its stale ideology, regressive program and feeble number.  The 'Three Bigs' will run the loot raj as they are familiar with and the opposition would just play the role of a sick and weak crow. Nepal looses again. 

The second option could be that the NC as largest party forms the government and UML stays in opposition. The unpredictable UCPNM may join the government as it needs power to remain relevant and united. Hence, there would be two power blocks. The other forces would join this or that power block. This way, the government may function independent of the responsibility of drafting a new constitution. Running the government and drafting constitution would be separate. This option is more hypothetical seeing hunger for power in Nepali political field, but would be ideal for democratic functioning of the government and participatory process of constitution writing. 

  1. How the constitution drafting process would go?
This time, the CA has more homogeneous nature in regard to the agenda. Particularly, 'multi-identity federalism' and supremacy of parliamentary cabinet system are common between NC and UML. Only a small difference is about how the Prime Minister is elected – Israeli way or the British way. This minor difference is that of more technical nature and it would not be a major hurdle. Hence, a constitution that has the soul of 1990 constitution and form of Indian constitution would be the final product, if NC and UML succeed to translate their manifestos into reality.  However, here is a BIG question mark.

The UCPNM would try to project itself as the Messiah of social inclusion and justice including "federalism with identity." This is the strongest emotional chord that the party could get hands on. The opposition forces that boycotted the polls would join hands and the other identity based parties may join this front. This force makes the life of numerically stronger NC and UML vulnerable as their own flocks from Janajatis, Dalits and Madhesis will start creating unbearable pressure on them.
Fight over the nature and essence of federalism would divide the nation in an unprecedented scale and intensity. Hence, the constitution drafting process, most probably, would get delayed and delayed.

The alternatives are there such as the NC and UML agreeing to travel halfway and the opposing forces also agreeing to come forward and reach the same destination and there is constitution which has both "yes, federalism with identity" and "yes, federalism without identity". Both blocks would interpret it according to their needs. However, when that would come into practice, the whole nation will face the situation of another mess created by this ambiguous constitutional provision.
Moreover, the new CA may not formulate progressive provisions to correct the injustices on Dalits as the NC and UML have nothing to offer other than some cosmetics. This contradiction would continue unresolved.

This way, Janajatis, Madhesis and Dalits would feel excluded and another wind of agitation makes the situation more unstable.

  1. What would be done for people's livelihood and country's progress during the interim period?
The parties and the leaders are well known for inaction, hypocrisy, corruption and visionlessness. I have never seen or heard a bull giving birth to a calf. Therefore, expecting any contribution from the political elites is too unrealistic. 

However, our people are intelligent, enterprising, committed and largely disciplined. They have been finding the ways and means that makes them productive, their families prospering and the nation, at least, surviving.  A few millions have been working hard in the desert of the Gulf countries, more or less the same number is in India, some are in the jungle of Malaysia, or are in South Korea and a few are in Europe, Japan, Australia and America. Many among them are working under sub-human conditions, a few have lost their precious lives and only a small percentage is in better positions. The others in Nepal itself are busy in changing the subsistence agriculture into economically viable agriculture activities, some are active in providing services and some are managing profit ventures. In this way, our people with never-say die attitude are sustaining Nepal as a place worth living. Hence, not the elites in the government, but the common people from villages, towns and cities are the protectors of our survival and hope for a bright future. The expansion of educational institutions, functional health facilities, transport system and means of communications including the FM radios; all tiny enterprises run by the small private sector are contributing to create the foundation of a shinning Nepal. Alas! Our leaders and parties could contribute a small percentage to make this endeavor better. Or, at least they do no harm in this process. But, it is not so easy to expect from them. Notwithstanding what the leaders or parties do, we could reach to a new high. Nepal could be a glaring example of success, if the same tempo continues for some more years. This would be a fine example of success where politicians pull down the nation but people push up and succeed.

In conclusion, I am not very hopeful that this CA would be different than the one we had in recent past. The top Nepali politicians neither are clean nor honest (except Sushil Koirala and Mohan Baidhya), nor are they visionary. The political parties they run are less like a party and more as their fiefdoms. Hence, the situation from now also would be messy. But, our people will continue to fight against all odds and would make Nepal proud by their enterprising and daring acts including cleaning the political mess sometime in near future. Although, this sounds just a dream now, but a dream, when gets translated into a vision, it becomes a mother of a new reality. We are in that process. Really, it is interesting to note that we are marching forward with good speed and intensity.

Tuesday, November 19, 2013

Second Constituent Assembly Election and Probable Course Thereafter




-         Govinda Neupane 

After some months of the demise of the first Constituent Assembly (CA), politics took a back stage in governance and bureaucracy took control. Forces behind the scene played major roles in this transition. Ultimately, they decided to hold second CA poll in November 19, 2013. 

When the date was finally declared, some political forces came out against the process and the decision as that process and decision excluded them. A few cosmetics here and there did not satisfy the opposing parties and they started to protest vehemently. The vertical division started to get widened. 

Foreign forces led by India stood firmly behind the 4-party syndicate and the government they had given birth to. India sounded resolute after its assessments that the United Progressive Alliance government led by Indian Congress has nothing to project as success in foreign relations front particularly in the case of its neighbors. Moreover, its future prospects of coming back to power seem not bright. Hence, to show the outside world that it contributed to bring stability in Nepal by supporting to organize CA election and also to bring its friends and collaborators in government in Nepal; India took stand in favor of the election of the CA.

The Europeans have no education in democracy in the Third World countries. They are somehow illiterate in this regard. They have just two indicators of democracy – western orientation of the politics and election. In Nepal, both factors satisfy them and they jumped in the bandwagon of election.  Civil rights, human rights, inclusiveness, participation etc are the external teeth of an elephant.

The Americans are not that mush interested as they have already outsourced Nepal policy to India. As long as their interest in Tibet is served and real Maoist forces are in check, they will continue this policy of outsourcing.

Anyway, the conductor of Nepali CA election orchestra, India made every support available including light helicopters, combat equipments, weaponry and other non-military logistics. The Nepali army was made battle ready. Finally, with support from the western powers, several non-government entities mushroomed to educate voters, to advance the cause of our marginalized section of society and to make Nepal heaven with the magic stick of the CA election. Money flooded in, information flooded out. The capital city of Kathmandu and other major cities and towns were also flooded with ISO- certifying company called in this regard called as election observers including former US President Jimmy Carter of Carter Center. Nepal got attention of and resources mostly from India, the West and the US. 

Today, in 19 November 2013, the voting started. 

Now, let's see the other side of the coin. The opponents of the election started to stages protests in the form of mass meetings, rallies and demonstrations in several parts of the country at the time of taking decision for CA election. Their demands were brought down into two – solution through all party conference and change of the election government. The Nepali faces of the ruling syndicate were somehow seen sympathetic, at least for public consumption purpose to organize the all party conference, but the India-led foreign coalition was determined not to do so. Ultimately India prevailed and the conference was put to back burner. The angry opposition offered militant warnings of words and started the march past of militant volunteers. The confrontation started to take ugly course. Bombs, fake and real, were planted and/or exploded. The new discovery of petrol bomb generated terror among citizens. Who did this? The ruling syndicate blamed the opposition. The opposition denounced such bombings and blamed the government and the ruling syndicate for such acts.

After all, who did the bombings? There are four probable forces for such acts capable to carry out. They are: 1. Communist Party of Nepal -Maoist. 2. Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). 3. Angry, frustrated and skilled unorganized individuals, particularly the members of former PLA scattered all over the country, and 4. Some other small criminal groups hired by election participating parties. The country, once again, sounded like a war zone. Some innocent persons lost their precious lives. Properties, particularly the transport vehicles were damaged and destroyed. In this way, some type of anarchy was created to spread fear all over the country. 

In this period, the Communist Party of Nepal –Maoist - led front continued to dominate the headlines the media with positive or negative coverages. It emerged as the opposition force at national level due to its call for the boycott of the CA election.

The end result was that, now, we have a society and a nation vertically divided. The positions of the parties in two camps are beyond reconciliation.  The fight would continue though the forms will change. 

After the election, the members of the syndicate will have different strengths as individual components. The probable positions could be as: number ONE Nepali Congress, number TWO Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), number 3 Unified Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist. They will form the core of the ruling syndicate by forming a coalition government or by putting an unconstitutional mechanism above the government to share the booty. Madhesi parties may loose their significance all together. Most probably, the parliamentary opposition would be led by Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal and 40 plus parties with 1 to 10 seats may get access into the CA edifice.  Hence, here too horse trading and ugly fights could be seen. All of them are less interested to draft a new constitution rather than to prolong the transition, which gives them the opportunity and means to serve their vested interests. 

The anarchy of the petty political elites will continue for some more years. However, the vertical division, turmoil and deadly confrontation would not allow them to stay long and to enjoy the luxury of power, position and wealth. 

The people, now, are more aware. The critical mass has emerged stronger. The parliamentary opposition within and extra-parliamentary opposition outside the CA would spoil the party of the ruling syndicate. The turmoil may give birth to a third mass movement. The Shah King's autocratic rule and the Panchayat were extremely hated by the people. Hence, there was mass movement in 1990. Gyanendra and his rule were extremely hated by the people. Hence, the mass movement of 2006 took place. The syndicate and the elitist anarchy have been extremely hated by the people now. Hence a third mass movement seems not only logical but also inevitable.  History repeats itself but from a higher spiral, observed V. I. Lenin, perhaps, rightly.

Wednesday, October 09, 2013

Nepali History: A Note for PowerPoint Presentation

Govinda Neupane




1.     Timeline

Neolithic tools found in the Kathmandu Valley and in Shivalik area in Nawalparasi indicate that people have been living in the Terai and in the mountain regions for at least 30,000 years.

30,000 BCE to 900 BCE: Nomadic tribes/ Primitive tribes/Herders (Gopal/Mahishpal, cow/buffalo herders)

900 BCE to 250 CE: Kirats (Yalakhom, in western and eastern hills and Kathmandu valley, 1118 - 1225 years), Kapilvastu/Koliya, Videha, Mithila and Kichakdesh (Terai)

300 CE to 1100 CE: Lichchhavi/Thakuri/Rajput (central Terai, Kathmandu valley), Kirats (Eastern hills), Magars (western hills), Terai (eastern & western Terai?)

1100 CE to 1768/1800 CE: Mallas (Kathmandu Valley, near western hills), Khasas (Khasan and also Baishi & Chaubisi principalities in western hills), Kirats (Eastern hills and far eastern Terai), Magars (Magarat, Makwanpur in mid-western hills and central Terai).

1769- 1950: Shaha/Rana's dynastic rule/ absolute monarchy (Nepal)

1951 - 1960: Parliamentary system with Shah Monarchy.

1961- 1990: Panchayat system/Shah King's authoritarian rule.

1990 - 2003: Parliamentary system with constitutional monarchy.

2005-2006: Shah King's direct rule

2006 - Onward: Republican system/transition to democratic system with elected Constituent Assembly/legislator parliament.

2.     Governance systems

Kirats: Primitive Tribal Republic/chiefdom (primitive monarchy)/ monarchies/semi-autonomous monarchies/ unitary/loosely centralized rule.

Kapilvastu/Koliya: One of the earliest confederations of South Asia was that of the Shakya clan/tribe, whose capital was Kapilvastu, Nepal. It had loosely federated system of tribal governance.

Lichchhavi/Thakuri/Rajput: Feudal monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Khasan/Baise/Chaubise: Feudal monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Magarat: Chiefdom/republic/feudal monarchy (out of many Magarats, in one there was a strange system of selection of the king. The selection of the king of Liglig principality was done through running in a particular day. He, who reached at Ligligkot first by running fast, was crowned as king.) /unitary/centralized system of governance.

Mallas: Monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Shah/Ranas/Panchayat: Monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Parliamentary system with monarchy: Representative democracy with constitutional monarchy/unitary/centralized system of governance.

Federal Republic (proposed): Representative democracy/federal/decentralized system of governance.

3.     Local Institutions/Common Community Social Instruments

Panchali: There were local bodies called 'Panchalis' to settle minor disputes and to carry out the public utility services. This was the beginning of local self-government and local democracy in Nepal.

Guthi: Guthi was a social organization that used to maintain the social order of Newar society. Presently, most of the Guthis are defunct. In the past, Guthis were most powerful social organizations, which resolved conflicts, insured social harmony, provided social safety- net in situations of extreme difficulties such as deaths and insured social and religious functions were observed..

Bheja: Magars have an informal cultural institution, called Bheja. Bheja was reponsible to perform religious activities, organize social and agriculture-related festivities, bring about reforms in traditions and customs, strengthen social and production system, manage resources, settle cases and disputes and systematize activities for recreation and maintain social solidarity. 

 Nangkhur: Tamangs had a traditional cultural organization, which was called Nangkhur. This organization helped them to continue cultural practices and strengthen collective community bond.

Chumlung: Chumlung was a social organization of the Limbu indigenous ethnic group.

Nogar: Nogar is some sorts of agricultural cooperative of the Gurung people.

Dhikuri: The Thakalis were known as business group and "Dhikuri" was their indigenous cooperative institution.
Katuwal system: Under the Katuwal system, a person was assigned with the responsibility of conveying important messages to all the villagers in a village. The Katuwal, a communicator/messenger, used to beat a drum to grab people's attention and convey the message orally in loud voice. Most of these communicators/messengers belonged to the Dalit community. (This system is still in practice in many villages in mid-western hill districts.)

Panchayat: Village assembly organized under five elders, who functioned as juries to resolve local conflicts and guided to build or maintain local facilities including foot trails, water systems, irrigation canals, etc. This was the most important participatory mechanism for local decision making. During King Mahendra's authoritarian rule, he borrowed the traditional social instrument, corrupted it and made this community social asset sounding as a negative instrument. 

Local bodies/village/ town assemblies:  In 1961, the government constituted Tribhuvan Gram Vikash Boards at district level and assigned the task of local development. Afterward, the government created elected local bodies as village/town/district Panhayats, which were renamed as Village Development committees/Municipalities/District Development Committees after 1990.

4.     Democracy in Nepal: Initiation and Development

Ancient - 1950

Kapilvastu/Koliya: Primitive Federated system of governance was introduced, first time in South Asia. This system created favorable environment for consultation/participation.   Though, it was imperfect and had no mass participation in governance, but it provided some mechanism that was new in that time.

Magarat: There were several small principalities, which functioned independently. Some principalities had very strange system of selecting/electing the ruler. The Liglig principality had the system of organizing a marathon, which was open for all to compete. He, who came first, that person, was declared a ruler. This was a unique system of election, but it was participatory and open.

Kirat: After the agreement with the Gorkha rulers, the Kirats accepted autonomy. It preserved the KIPAT system of land ownership and also there was a sharing of revenues between the central government and Kirat autonomous entity. Six parts out of 16 parts (of the total revenue collected) had to go to the central government, whereas 10 parts could be utilized locally by the Kirat political entity. This arrangement gave birth to the idea of federal system with autonomous provisions. 

The above three example and the traditional/local institutional instruments discussed above provided basis for democracy in Nepal. Hence, participation, consultation, federation and autonomy were in practice even before 1950, though in limited area and with limited scope. 

1951 - 1960

There was a mass political movement, which successfully dethroned the infamous Rana regime and introduced the parliamentary democratic system, first time in Nepal. The general election organized first time elected a representative government.

1961 - 1989

The Shah king Mahendra staged a coup and snatched all political power by dissolving the parliament.  The Shah dynasty ruled for 30 years. However, the Shah Kings also were compelled to organize election for a rubber stamp legislative assembly.  They too had to show some form of democracy, though shamefully. But, the people continued their struggle and compelled the Shah King to accept the multiparty parliamentary system by retaining his ornamental role as constitutional monarch in 1990.

1990 - 2005

Once again, there was multi party system. The representative government came to power through a general election. The parties and their leaders discredited as many among them were corrupt. The constitutional monarch of the time thought that that was the opportune moment to snatch power once again. He dismissed the multi-party government and took over all powers.

2005-2006

The people came out on the street. The Maoists, who were involved in a fierce armed struggle against the government for about 10 years, joined hands with the agitating parliamentary parties and the King tasted the bitter pills. 

2006 - Onwards

After relinquishing active role, the monarchy was initially suspended and finally abolished by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Constituent Assembly debated on writing a new constitution for Democratic Federal Republic of Nepal for four years, failed in its job, was dissolved and another election for the assembly is presently being organized.

Monday, September 09, 2013

Inclusive Federal Model in Nepal: A Gateway to Social Harmony and Economic Prosperity



-         Govinda Neupane

The issue of state restructuring would resurface prominently as one of the major issues of debate. The supper-structure of a state mechanism is very difficult to design. In this design phase in Nepal, there are major debates going on, particularly, in the form of government and state structuring.  Now, I will just focus on state restructuring. 

  1. Nepal has three geographical regions – mountains, hills and southern plain called Tarai.
  2. It has three major river systems – Koshi (this includes Nepali side of Mechi river system and part of Bagmati river system), Gandaki (includes part of Bagmati river system) and Karnali (this includes part of Nepali side of Mahakali/Sharada river system).
  3. Nepal is divided into 75 administrative districts within 14 zones and these zones are again regrouped in five development regions.
  4. It has four major nationality clusters. They are as mentioned below.
·         Khas-Aryans (with sizable population of Dalits) in north-west,
·         Mangol-Kirats or Janajatis in north-central (from Rolpa-Rukum to Dolakha-Ramechhap) and north-east regions,
·         Newars in Kathmandu valley, and
·         Madhesis in the southern plains of Tarai. 

There is no consensus about the definition and classification of nationalities. Hence, some people say that there are hundreds of them. I argue that we have five nationalities. They are Khas-Aryan, Mangol-Kirat or Janajati, Madhesi, Newar and Dalit. [i]

Unitary system and federal system

Among Nepali political forces, scholars and activists, we could see two divisions, in the first place, regarding the structure of governance. They are as below.

a) Unitary system of governance that decentralizes power as much as possible to local bodies.  
b) Federal system of governance by carving out relatively powerful states or provinces within the national boundary. 

Probable disintegration of Nepal is one among the major concerns of the supporters of unitary system. They believe that federal structure will invite conflicts and India will play one against the others. Also, too much power at the hands of state would make Nepal weak. They argue that federal system increases administrative expenses tremendously and make it financially not viable in a small country like Nepal. 

  1. Regarding the first logic, I argue that, now, we have become a sponsored regime in a unitary system of governance. No worse could happen than this in a federal structure. There could be more upward pressure in a legitimate way to strengthen national sovereignty. Several provinces could alert the government at the center not to go against national interests. The states or provinces could play vital role in safeguarding the interests of Nepal together.
  2. Regarding the second argument that Nepal would be weak as India will play one against the others. This is nothing other than suspecting the loyalty of the people of Madhesi nationality. This is the product of Pahadi (hill) mind set, that too the reminiscent of Mehendraite ultra-nationalism. The people of Madhesi nationality are equal children of Mother Nepal as Pahadis are. We should not allow bringing such communal flavors into our national life.
  3. The administrative costs may go up or not, we do not know for sure. However, speeding up the tempo of development, mobilizing resources effectively and using these resources judiciously, and many more could come up. We should see things in a dynamic realm not in a static world. Change brings hundreds of positive and negative factors into play and the society moves on.
  4.  There is no ground for the apprehension that the country will be fragmented and the states will try to be separate independent entities. This is just the ruling Khas-Aryan nationality's apprehension as they think that it is their BIRTA (land gifted by some kings/rulers to them). That is the product of a sick mind.
The geographical, river system and existing administrative division models understand Nepal just a part on earth. But, for me, that part of land and the different types of people who inhabit there combined together is Nepal. If you do not include people, their culture, their history and their aspirations, then you certainly fail in designing a governance system that could be sustained for a long period of time and also that could deliver. The geographical model, the river system model and existing administrative division model do not consider the cultural diversity factor and the aspirations of people in a multicultural society. 

Finally, I do not see any valid reason that proves that federalism would harm Nepal. Hence, I stand for federalism.

Proposed models of federalism

Now, I will examine and propose, which model of federalism would work for Nepal.
There are four models.

·         Ethno-Geographical model, example includes the proposal that pleads for "One Madhes, One Pradesh".
·         River system model that proposes three to five states.
·         Existing administrative division model with some adjustments with just disbanded divisions such as 14 zones. This model proposes to convert five development regions into five provinces or 14 zones to be converted into 14 provinces. Alternatively, there were proposals to reorganize the existing 75 districts into 25 and make provisions for decentralization of powers to local governments as much as possible. (This model was initially proposed by Dr. Harka Gurung but he proposed this model long ago, when federalism had not caught imaginations in operational term.) And, also there are some voices, which advocate for maximum decentralization of power by making existing 75 districts as local governments.
·         Inclusive federal model that recognizes identity of nationalities together with economic viability and geographical clustering. In Nepali it is called "Jatiya Pahichan sahitko sanghiyata".  It has three divisions in operational terms.

1) Naming sates/provinces on its historical context/ identity of core nationality such as Kirat, Nepah, Tharuhat, Khasan, etc.
2) Adding "right to self-determination" with the provision as mentioned in clause number 1 above.
3) Providing prerogative to core nationalities for certain period in addition to the provisions as mentioned in clause number 2 above. 

Suitable model of federalism

The debate now is not mainly between unitary model and federal model as a massive majority supports federal model.  The major debate is among the supporters of federalism. When we look critically on the proposed federal models above, it is very difficult to come to consensus at a model that is appropriate and suitable for Nepal. 

With due respect to advocates and scholars who stand for other models, I like to argue for the inclusive federal model that includes identify of core nationality in a geographical region, where they were and are the indigenous people or first settlers. Moreover, I also support their right to self-determination. Why I stand for this model?

While working on a book on nationalities in 1990-2000, I came across contrast views regarding for and against federalism and its types. I have documented some of the major views in my book. I finally, had reached the conclusion that there is need of 11 provinces/states.  In 2005, when I was revising the book for second edition, I analyzed hundreds of comments and feedbacks. After carefully examining the new information, I reached to the conclusion to bring down the number of provinces from 11 to 8. I have discussed the criteria, geographical clustering, population and the main qualitative aspects of federalism in my book. (Please see the end note below.) 

Now, after about 12 and half years of the publication of my book, I revisited it last month. Strangely, I found it as fresh as it was. Hence, rather than going into details about the nationalities, need of restructuring, multiculturalism, federalism, physical and social infrastructures we need and designing co-operative federalism keeping equity, equality and justice as main thematic areas; I thought to advise to download my book from www.neupaneg.wordpress.com and read it. I will repeat the name of the book, once again here – "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and federalism." Unfortunately, the English translation is that of the first edition only. However, other than a few changes here and there, the essence, orientation, findings and conclusions are the same. In that book, I have summarized my findings as below:

·         There are five nationalities – Khas or Khas-Aryans, Mangol-Kirats or Janajatis (excluding Newars and Tarai sub-nationalities), Madhesis (including Madhesi 'Janjatis' and Madhesi Dalit community), Dalit (hill Dalits as nationality) and Newars.
·         Khas or Khas-Aryans dominated in the past and still are dominating in all spheres of state affairs – politics, bureaucracy, judiciary, legislative and many more areas.
·         Dalits, Madhesis and Magol-Kirats /Janajatis were and are marginalized.
·         Inclusion with power sharing is what Nepal should consider while restructuring the state.
·         Federalism could accommodate the aspirations of people in a multicultural society.
·         There is need of affirmative actions including prerogatives, reservations and reparations.
·         There should be eight provinces/states, which could be financially viable, socially harmonious and politically functional. They are – Kirat Pradesh, Tambasaling/Tamsaling, Nepah, Tamumagarat, Khasan, Tharuhat, Bhojpuri Pradesh and Mithila.
·         Co-operative federalism with identity of nationalities could be the most suitable form of federalism for Nepal. 

Conclusion

Finally, I share concerns about the messy present and gloomy future of our country. We love Nepal and we should stand together to translate the abstract love into actions that will take the country out of the darkness of today and will lead us to a future that is shinning. And, I hope, inclusive as well as co-operative federal model could open up the flood gates of imaginations, initiatives, endeavors and will bring a large orchestra into full play. Let's take the very first step to this direction.
 The talk of the election of the constituent assembly will bring several issues out of the hibernating deep holes. Federalism would be at the top among such issues. Gradually, it will continue to heating up. This time, let's come out with full force so as to rectify past injustices; to bring justice, equality and equity into full play and to build partnership among nationalities through multiculturalism and federalism. This is not only the responsibility of oppressed nationalities, but also that of forward looking and progressive elements among the ruling Khas-Aryan nationality. The Khas-Aryan domination should end now and just now. 

"Unity in diversity" is what we need. Let's build Nepal truly a "rainbow nation". We could and should build a new Nepal that is multicultural, federal, strong, peaceful and prosperous. In essence, inclusive federal model is the gateway for social harmony and economic prosperity.


[i] For detail definitions, classifications and status, please read my book, "Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism". The first edition of the book is available on www.neupaneg.wordpress.com. It could be downloaded free of cost. The second edition of "Nepalko Jatiya Prashna"(Nationalities' Question in Nepal) is available in print edition.