- Govinda Neupane
The Nepali state had the base of 'nationalism' in the attributes as defined by the Shah rulers. These 'national' attributes included Shah-Khasa monarchy and their crown, Hindu religion and Khasa language and culture including the dress code. Their core nationality as Nepali was none other than the Khasa. Moreover, feeling of super bravery was also emotionally blended with the attributes mentioned above. Sometimes, Khukri (super knife), Mount Everest, cow, rhododendron and a few 'national' heroes were also used to boost the feeling of 'nationalism'. The theme of 'nationalism' during the Panchayat era (1960-1990) was "Our king and our country are dearer than our lives! Our language and our culture also are dearer than our lives!" This whole foundation of Khasa nationalism collapsed together with the collapse of the monarchy. The nationalism defined, nurtured and defended by the Khasa rulers also crumbled down.
Now, there is a new Nepal or a less known Nepal in regard to the collective identity of its people. What is the distinctiveness that keeps us together? Hence, an intellectually enriching debate is necessary to dig out practically relevant attributes, which provide a differently defined identity to us. These attributes are nothing other than the elements, which connect people in Nepal together and provide the collective Nepali identity. Is it nationalism or something else?
Nationalism is the collective feeling of love and loyalty of the citizens of a nation-state to their nation-state. But, Nepal was not a nation-state and it is not a nation-state even today. Nepal is a state of many nationalities. This state is multicultural and is different than the nation-states of post Second World War Europe. Therefore, in today's Nepal, not nationalism but patriotism will provide the common bond of unity in diversity. Mark, a blogger-commentator says, "Patriotism, in practice, is standing up for a shared way of life" (www. BryanAppleyard.com).
Patriotism in the context of Nepali state and its people is neither the love of a particular language nor compassion for a definite culture. Similarly, it could not revolve around a particular nationality. The same is applicable in regard to religion and customs. We are diverse. Therefore, diversity is the principle spout from where our patriotism sprinkles out.
Certainly, Nepali flag is one esteemed vehicle to show our respect to Nepal, love to Nepal and loyalty to Nepal. This is the most important symbol of Nepali identity. Similarly, the national anthem could be the other major binding factor. There are natural, historical or heritage sites, which make us proud. This is the third attribute that makes Nepali identity glittering. These sites include Mt. Everest, Lumbini, Mithila and the art as well as culture-rich Kathmandu valley. The fourth is the Nepali land mass that puts together the southern food basket, panoramic and horticulture friendly hill areas and the majestic mountains from where rivers flow and Nepali lifeline begins. The fifth is the galaxy of our heroes and heroines. The most prominent among them are Gautam Buddha, Balabahu (Arniko), Bhimsen Thapa, Lakhan Thapa Magar, Laxmi Prasad Devkota, Durgananda Jha, Ram Prasad Rai, Parijat and Pasang Lhamu Sherpa. The sixth is our multicultural social fabric - the rainbow of cultures of the smiling people of Nepal.
With the fusion of all the attributes mentioned above; we could sense the greatness of love and compassion that encompasses us as individuals, nationalities and regions. This profound feeling of oneness pervades entire Nepal. It captures the images of land, forest, rivers, snow-covered peaks and people of several distinct cultures and customs as one wonderful object. This is all inclusive, bright and eternal. This is patriotism of serene nature. And, this is the patriotism of enlightened people. Everybody, particularly our giant neighbors should understand that that serenity and enlightenment are neither the symptoms of inaction nor tolerance to injustice and subjugation. With this gentle reminder, we, the proud and enterprising Nepali people wish to live in harmony with nature and with neighbors.
August 13, 2008
Thursday, August 14, 2008
Monday, July 28, 2008
Stormy Political Course and Hibernating Constituent Assembly
Govinda Neupane
Although, many historical events have happened in the recent past, the political storm in Nepal is still blowing in high speed. The election of the first president provided the opportunity to test their energy, skill and maneuverability to all political players. New to the number game and its visible rules and invisible mechanisms, the Maoists tasted the defeat. As that happens everywhere, the quality and characteristics of the Maoist leadership had to face criticism from within and outside the party rank. The critical outside world has been candid and transparent, whereas the inner Maoist world sounds semi leak-proof. May be, time will unearth the inside stories. Waiting is one of the best options available for now.
There are people highly disappointed. They have jumped to the conclusion that everything has turned to dark. There is much emotion involved in this conclusion. Nothing could be recreated in the dynamic historical process of change. History could be repeated but only in a higher spiral. Hence, neither the monarchy will resurface as a result of the division within political forces during the election of the president, nor the Maoist will head straight to the jungle.
There are the 'left' conservatives who are, once again, raising the banner of 'left unity'. They claim that there are more than 60% members from the 'left' parties and regret that they failed to elect the president from their own rank. These 'left' are highly mobile bunch of individuals and parties and shout time to time for 'left unity' when something is seen on the horizon for them to grab. In all practical sense, there is no left as such in Nepal. There are communists (e.g. Maoists, Unity-center-Mashal, Mashal), social democrats (e.g. Nepali Congress, UML, Forum), nationalists (e.g. Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Janashakti Party), and conservatives (e.g. Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal). Therefore, disunity of the 'left' is neither new nor fundamental. This phrase has just ornamental meaning in Nepali political glossary.
The third group of people is frustrated as in the land of indigenous people (Adibasi); two Madhesis became the president and vice president. This is simple. What you sow that you reap. The Madhesis created political movement and made sacrifices of unprecedented nature. They not only established themselves as a formidable political force, but also made their presence felt in the Kathmandu power corridors. The indigenous people with exception of "Limbus" and "Khambus" have been driven towards non-political entities including the Nepal Federation of the Indigenous Nationalities. They got prominence as NGOs, the darlings of the western donors. This act alone limited their role as agents of bargaining. Moreover, it took them out from the strategic role of the agents of structural change. Therefore, if the indigenous people want to play decisive role in the political process, they have to come out of the comfort zone of NGOs. Sowing the seeds of NGOs and expecting the bumper harvest of political empowerment is nearly impossible. There are good signs that the indigenous people have realized this lately and are rectifying their past mistakes. But certainly that will take time in bringing the results. The election of the chairman of the constituent assembly might have provided them some consolation.
The so-called civil society has been making noise as it failed to grab the posts of the president or vice president. The Maoist known as the party of high political substance had proposed that the post of the president should go to a civil society personality. This is not only strange but also makes no sense. In Nepal, civil society is a high-breed entity made out of people with diverse ideologies, interests and political inclinations. They sometimes try to derail the political course in the name of peace, democracy, human rights and so on. They present themselves as holier than Thou, whereas many among them are making wonderful fortunes by grabbing goodwill, grants and gifts from the rich west. A large number of such personalities are performing the roles of spokespersons of the western values, visions and missions. Their noise is just the reflection of their desire to position themselves in a strategic place so as to influence the political course once again.
The uncertainty about the formation of the government will end soon. The Maoists could play decisive role in the true meaning of contributing to the process of societal transformation, if they will stay out of the government. As a result of the intermingling and cohabitation with the parliamentary political parties; they too have been infected with the same character as that of these parties. Hence, the Maoist leadership was in a great need of shock therapy and that is there now. This shock have provided opportunity to the high flying Maoist leadership to ponder over their agenda, objectives, political line, strategies and class role. Once again, they have to knock the door of the already forgotten cadres, who in turn will ask the leadership to provide justifications for many decisions they made in the last two and a half years.
The Maoist leadership seems divided. Some of them have tasted the luxury of Kathmandu power corridors. Therefore, it would be hard to predict the immediate course the leadership will choose to proceed ahead. There are two different paths available. The first could be the path of staying in the opposition, contributing most meaningfully to the constitution making process, championing the cause of people and organizing and leading mass movements for societal transformation. This could be done through the revival of their different organizational mechanisms, particularly in the rural areas. Alternatively, they could take the path of exercising the power of the state through a formal mechanism by joining or leading the government.
The cooperation between two socialist parties, Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (UML) and their understanding with the Madhesi Jana Adhikar Form is not unnatural as claimed by the Maoists. All these three parties represent the same class interest and by and large are governed by the same political values. They also share the core principles that include pluralism, soft-nationalism and open economic environment (free and privatized). They may differ in words and formulation of sentences but agree in essence. Only one area where many people discover differences is that of 'one Madhes Pradesh'. That too is not that fundamental, which could not be reconciled. Whether that is one Madhes or there are four Madhesi provinces that would not make any fundamental difference as long as all of them enjoy full fledged autonomy. Therefore, the Maoist assessment is either flawed or that is a tactical cover to justify their demand of dissolution of such arrangement. If the Maoists join hands with one or all these three parties, in that case too the nature of the alliance will not be different. In that case, the Maoists will have to change their political line and core class nature and not the other way round.
There are two probable courses. This is primarily dependant on the content and color of the Maoists. If the Maoists will change just their color keeping their class line intact, the politics of confrontation between them and other main political parties would continue in an antagonistic way. And, if the Maoists will change their content and color, the politics of cooperation between them and other main parties will turn to be non-hostile and non-confrontational. As a result, the Maoists also will venture into the same class base as that of the Congress, UML and Forum and their transformational politico-economic and social program will end there. From that very day, they will start participating in the process of incremental change playing similar role as that of other main parties. They will take the familiar UML route. The new political contradictions originated on the basis of such course will affect the Maoists internally and may influence the course of national politics heavily. Moreover, the unpredictable political behaviors of the UML also will add fuel to fire.
Unavailability of essential commodities may give birth to mass-scale social unrest. Similarly, unprecedented price rise particularly that of the fuel and food items will add difficulties to people's livelihood. Absence of governance and near break down of law and order mechanism will further aggravate the situation. As there is anarchy everywhere and every segment of society has started to ventilate their grievances through violence, violent means and regular general strikes, the governance mechanism may be in a spiral of diminishing authority and accountability. In such situation, either a general revolt by the popular forces of that time or intervention by the army with the support from some influential foreign powers could not be ruled out.
In this context, the constitution making process may face difficulties, uncertainties and accidents. Even today, the constituent assembly is in hibernation. Hence, the political forces should play their respective natural roles to avoid full fledged political crisis. Similarly, the political forces should not fail to address the aspirations of the people. They must help them in overcoming their difficulties. They should enter into a mechanism by which they could cooperate in the constitution making process inside the constituent assembly. Giving shape and size to new autonomous regions/provinces, determining the level of shared authority between the federal government and regions, designing the operational framework of the new state system, inserting multi-cultural vision and values in the new constitution and ensuring that every citizen could enjoy fundamental rights are the core areas that the constituent assembly has to concentrate on. Therefore, rather than staging a dog-fight to grab positions in the government, it would be better to combine all efforts and energy to craft strategies that enables us to have a progressive, empowering, inclusive, democratic and libertarian republican constitution. Hence, it would be the most rewarding exercise to bring constituent assembly back in action from hibernation.
July 28, 2008
Note: The article has been posted on www.nepalipost.com.
Although, many historical events have happened in the recent past, the political storm in Nepal is still blowing in high speed. The election of the first president provided the opportunity to test their energy, skill and maneuverability to all political players. New to the number game and its visible rules and invisible mechanisms, the Maoists tasted the defeat. As that happens everywhere, the quality and characteristics of the Maoist leadership had to face criticism from within and outside the party rank. The critical outside world has been candid and transparent, whereas the inner Maoist world sounds semi leak-proof. May be, time will unearth the inside stories. Waiting is one of the best options available for now.
There are people highly disappointed. They have jumped to the conclusion that everything has turned to dark. There is much emotion involved in this conclusion. Nothing could be recreated in the dynamic historical process of change. History could be repeated but only in a higher spiral. Hence, neither the monarchy will resurface as a result of the division within political forces during the election of the president, nor the Maoist will head straight to the jungle.
There are the 'left' conservatives who are, once again, raising the banner of 'left unity'. They claim that there are more than 60% members from the 'left' parties and regret that they failed to elect the president from their own rank. These 'left' are highly mobile bunch of individuals and parties and shout time to time for 'left unity' when something is seen on the horizon for them to grab. In all practical sense, there is no left as such in Nepal. There are communists (e.g. Maoists, Unity-center-Mashal, Mashal), social democrats (e.g. Nepali Congress, UML, Forum), nationalists (e.g. Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Janashakti Party), and conservatives (e.g. Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal). Therefore, disunity of the 'left' is neither new nor fundamental. This phrase has just ornamental meaning in Nepali political glossary.
The third group of people is frustrated as in the land of indigenous people (Adibasi); two Madhesis became the president and vice president. This is simple. What you sow that you reap. The Madhesis created political movement and made sacrifices of unprecedented nature. They not only established themselves as a formidable political force, but also made their presence felt in the Kathmandu power corridors. The indigenous people with exception of "Limbus" and "Khambus" have been driven towards non-political entities including the Nepal Federation of the Indigenous Nationalities. They got prominence as NGOs, the darlings of the western donors. This act alone limited their role as agents of bargaining. Moreover, it took them out from the strategic role of the agents of structural change. Therefore, if the indigenous people want to play decisive role in the political process, they have to come out of the comfort zone of NGOs. Sowing the seeds of NGOs and expecting the bumper harvest of political empowerment is nearly impossible. There are good signs that the indigenous people have realized this lately and are rectifying their past mistakes. But certainly that will take time in bringing the results. The election of the chairman of the constituent assembly might have provided them some consolation.
The so-called civil society has been making noise as it failed to grab the posts of the president or vice president. The Maoist known as the party of high political substance had proposed that the post of the president should go to a civil society personality. This is not only strange but also makes no sense. In Nepal, civil society is a high-breed entity made out of people with diverse ideologies, interests and political inclinations. They sometimes try to derail the political course in the name of peace, democracy, human rights and so on. They present themselves as holier than Thou, whereas many among them are making wonderful fortunes by grabbing goodwill, grants and gifts from the rich west. A large number of such personalities are performing the roles of spokespersons of the western values, visions and missions. Their noise is just the reflection of their desire to position themselves in a strategic place so as to influence the political course once again.
The uncertainty about the formation of the government will end soon. The Maoists could play decisive role in the true meaning of contributing to the process of societal transformation, if they will stay out of the government. As a result of the intermingling and cohabitation with the parliamentary political parties; they too have been infected with the same character as that of these parties. Hence, the Maoist leadership was in a great need of shock therapy and that is there now. This shock have provided opportunity to the high flying Maoist leadership to ponder over their agenda, objectives, political line, strategies and class role. Once again, they have to knock the door of the already forgotten cadres, who in turn will ask the leadership to provide justifications for many decisions they made in the last two and a half years.
The Maoist leadership seems divided. Some of them have tasted the luxury of Kathmandu power corridors. Therefore, it would be hard to predict the immediate course the leadership will choose to proceed ahead. There are two different paths available. The first could be the path of staying in the opposition, contributing most meaningfully to the constitution making process, championing the cause of people and organizing and leading mass movements for societal transformation. This could be done through the revival of their different organizational mechanisms, particularly in the rural areas. Alternatively, they could take the path of exercising the power of the state through a formal mechanism by joining or leading the government.
The cooperation between two socialist parties, Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (UML) and their understanding with the Madhesi Jana Adhikar Form is not unnatural as claimed by the Maoists. All these three parties represent the same class interest and by and large are governed by the same political values. They also share the core principles that include pluralism, soft-nationalism and open economic environment (free and privatized). They may differ in words and formulation of sentences but agree in essence. Only one area where many people discover differences is that of 'one Madhes Pradesh'. That too is not that fundamental, which could not be reconciled. Whether that is one Madhes or there are four Madhesi provinces that would not make any fundamental difference as long as all of them enjoy full fledged autonomy. Therefore, the Maoist assessment is either flawed or that is a tactical cover to justify their demand of dissolution of such arrangement. If the Maoists join hands with one or all these three parties, in that case too the nature of the alliance will not be different. In that case, the Maoists will have to change their political line and core class nature and not the other way round.
There are two probable courses. This is primarily dependant on the content and color of the Maoists. If the Maoists will change just their color keeping their class line intact, the politics of confrontation between them and other main political parties would continue in an antagonistic way. And, if the Maoists will change their content and color, the politics of cooperation between them and other main parties will turn to be non-hostile and non-confrontational. As a result, the Maoists also will venture into the same class base as that of the Congress, UML and Forum and their transformational politico-economic and social program will end there. From that very day, they will start participating in the process of incremental change playing similar role as that of other main parties. They will take the familiar UML route. The new political contradictions originated on the basis of such course will affect the Maoists internally and may influence the course of national politics heavily. Moreover, the unpredictable political behaviors of the UML also will add fuel to fire.
Unavailability of essential commodities may give birth to mass-scale social unrest. Similarly, unprecedented price rise particularly that of the fuel and food items will add difficulties to people's livelihood. Absence of governance and near break down of law and order mechanism will further aggravate the situation. As there is anarchy everywhere and every segment of society has started to ventilate their grievances through violence, violent means and regular general strikes, the governance mechanism may be in a spiral of diminishing authority and accountability. In such situation, either a general revolt by the popular forces of that time or intervention by the army with the support from some influential foreign powers could not be ruled out.
In this context, the constitution making process may face difficulties, uncertainties and accidents. Even today, the constituent assembly is in hibernation. Hence, the political forces should play their respective natural roles to avoid full fledged political crisis. Similarly, the political forces should not fail to address the aspirations of the people. They must help them in overcoming their difficulties. They should enter into a mechanism by which they could cooperate in the constitution making process inside the constituent assembly. Giving shape and size to new autonomous regions/provinces, determining the level of shared authority between the federal government and regions, designing the operational framework of the new state system, inserting multi-cultural vision and values in the new constitution and ensuring that every citizen could enjoy fundamental rights are the core areas that the constituent assembly has to concentrate on. Therefore, rather than staging a dog-fight to grab positions in the government, it would be better to combine all efforts and energy to craft strategies that enables us to have a progressive, empowering, inclusive, democratic and libertarian republican constitution. Hence, it would be the most rewarding exercise to bring constituent assembly back in action from hibernation.
July 28, 2008
Note: The article has been posted on www.nepalipost.com.
Saturday, May 03, 2008
Post-Election Nepal: Some Roses, Some Thorns
(This is the main text of my email. The email was sent to a friend on 26 April 2008.)
Govinda Neupane
The election has been over and the situation has changed quantitatively. But, by and large, that is the same. The political situation is still fluid. The Maoists have emerged as the largest party, but they are far less in number (220) than that the majority (302 seats). Their friendly parties have not more than 15 seats altogether. Therefore, political instability will continue or even worsen. The Maoists have no other option than to continue talking loudly and the NC-UML combine will remain busy ambushing them or vice versa. The market price, particularly, the price of petroleum products will add fuel to fire. The market turmoil particularly unavailability of essential commodities shall continue and the new government (whoever forms) will have to fight for their own survival rather than concentrating on constitution writing business. The people are already restive and they have been told that the constituent assembly will illuminate new Nepal. They are expecting that miracle to happen. The economic fundamentals are the same, the service delivery mechanism particularly, the bureaucracy is the same and the process of change is incremental and not radical (even if the Maoists form the government, they may not be at liberty to proceed with radical reform agenda, forget about the transformational one!). Therefore, the dreams of the people may not come true. Sooner than later, frustration and hopelessness may replace romanticism and beautiful dreams.
There are some good things too. Among them, the corrupt, incompetent, unimaginative and outdated leaders have been knocked out (people should be aware as they may come to the ring once again by one or another tricks. Sushil Koirala has already been chairing the CC meeting of the Congress party shamelessly, even after declaring his resignation from the position of acting party president!) Second, the assembly is far better inclusive. The new energy generated through the presence of women, Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits and youths comparatively in large numbers will challenge vigorously the old Khasa-controlled, male-dominated, unproductive-outdated leaders-led and kathmandu-centric political order. Third, the monarchy has no other option than to pack up and start its journey from Narayanhiti palace to Nirmal Nivas or to a foreign country. Four, the Kathmandu elites (the so-called intellectuals including the political analysts) are far more marginalized. Five, federalism and autonomy may open up the new phenomenon where people could participate more meaningfully in the decision making process of the state.
This is what I have to share with you today.
Govinda Neupane
The election has been over and the situation has changed quantitatively. But, by and large, that is the same. The political situation is still fluid. The Maoists have emerged as the largest party, but they are far less in number (220) than that the majority (302 seats). Their friendly parties have not more than 15 seats altogether. Therefore, political instability will continue or even worsen. The Maoists have no other option than to continue talking loudly and the NC-UML combine will remain busy ambushing them or vice versa. The market price, particularly, the price of petroleum products will add fuel to fire. The market turmoil particularly unavailability of essential commodities shall continue and the new government (whoever forms) will have to fight for their own survival rather than concentrating on constitution writing business. The people are already restive and they have been told that the constituent assembly will illuminate new Nepal. They are expecting that miracle to happen. The economic fundamentals are the same, the service delivery mechanism particularly, the bureaucracy is the same and the process of change is incremental and not radical (even if the Maoists form the government, they may not be at liberty to proceed with radical reform agenda, forget about the transformational one!). Therefore, the dreams of the people may not come true. Sooner than later, frustration and hopelessness may replace romanticism and beautiful dreams.
There are some good things too. Among them, the corrupt, incompetent, unimaginative and outdated leaders have been knocked out (people should be aware as they may come to the ring once again by one or another tricks. Sushil Koirala has already been chairing the CC meeting of the Congress party shamelessly, even after declaring his resignation from the position of acting party president!) Second, the assembly is far better inclusive. The new energy generated through the presence of women, Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits and youths comparatively in large numbers will challenge vigorously the old Khasa-controlled, male-dominated, unproductive-outdated leaders-led and kathmandu-centric political order. Third, the monarchy has no other option than to pack up and start its journey from Narayanhiti palace to Nirmal Nivas or to a foreign country. Four, the Kathmandu elites (the so-called intellectuals including the political analysts) are far more marginalized. Five, federalism and autonomy may open up the new phenomenon where people could participate more meaningfully in the decision making process of the state.
This is what I have to share with you today.
Tuesday, April 01, 2008
Constituent Assembly Election: Erecting Milestone in a Rainy Day
Govinda Neupane
1. In the decade-long conflict in Nepal, three parties were involved - the monarchy, parliamentary political parties and Maoists. The popular uprising of April 2006 was effectively launched as a result of an understanding between the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists to get rid of the regressive monarchy.
The movement created some compulsions and some hype that led to a powering sharing arrangement among all three players - the king, the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists. The king agreed to go in hibernation, the parliamentary political parties agreed to share power with the Maoists and the Maoists agreed to halt their armed rebellion popularly known as people's war.
Gradually, all the political players modified their political positions and agreed to the new agenda of organizing the election of the constituent assembly to resolve the conflict and to address issues needing to build a progressive, democratic and prosperous Nepal. The core agenda of the constituent assembly opened floodgates of ideas, aspirations, demands and proposals. The agenda alone played significant role in giving birth to new movements. The issues of ethnicities/nationalities, regions, gender, class and sections got prominence. The entire society experienced upheavals of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity.
The political leadership in this historic juncture failed to lead the people proactively. As a result, there was bloodshed in several districts in Madhes and also in some places in hill areas. Also, the coalition government failed in crafting understandable strategies to govern the nation during the transitional phase.
Sometimes, the parties within the ruling coalition fought vigorously on petty issues including getting a few positions of ambassadors. Their war of words created pessimism among the people and overwhelmed them with frustrations. The behavior of the leaders of the ruling coalition was compatible to that of the king's cronies. But, the brave people fought vigorously in the building process of a new Nepal. As a result, some of the major issues were settled, at least in principle.
These issues included but not limited to the foundation of the new state as a federal democratic republic with regional autonomy. Furthermore, there is consensus on inclusiveness, gender equity, social justice and fundamental rights of the citizens.
2. Nowadays, the political atmosphere in Nepal is full of colors. The closer the day of election, the thicker are the violent behaviors of the political parties. In a single day, there are thousands of rosy speeches, hundreds of acts of threats and violence and a few deaths too.
At least, for the time being, democracy has been limited to 'winning' in the election by any means - clean or dirty. The parties and their leaders are not ready attitudinally or otherwise to participate in a process of fair competition, where people could choose their representatives. They are simply interested in imposing themselves by intimidation, false hopes and bizarre techniques. Organization of the election of the constituent assembly in a free and fair way is central to institutionalize the broadly agreed upon issues, to restructure the state by addressing practical as well as operational aspects of federalism, to formally declare Nepal a republic and to develop vision and values of the new multicultural federal state. The country at this moment has been passing through the critical phase of transition.
In a situation when creating fear, intimidating people and widespread acts of violence are the order of the day, it sounds that the election where people could exercise their right to elect the representatives of their choice is simply a mirage. Collectively as a mass, as a party, as an army; Nepali people are brave, but individually they most often become powerless, particularly when an organized force throws stone on them. Although, the percentage of people participating in the election may increase manifold in comparison to the local election organized by the king's coterie in 2005, the voters may have to face the same fate - voting to a person or party that controls their households, village or community; be it Young Communist League and its parent organization the Maoists, or the Congress and the law enforcing state machinery controlled by it or the CPN (UML) and its youth brigade.
3. Many observers are observing the election process. A few hundreds among them are the foreigners, who could play the role of covering agents to their local counterparts. Broadly speaking, they are ornaments and cosmetics. Thousands of local observers, funded by the resource-rich western charities or governments, have come from nongovernmental organizations, human right organizations, legal fraternity and temporary mechanisms created around some former judges or bureaucrats.
But, what the outside world doesn't know, or pretends ignorance is that in Nepal a cardholder of a political party has several hats and among them, the most sought after are the labels of a human right defender or an NGO activist. They are the active political cadres in disguise. The retired bureaucrats are also equally interested in getting lucrative assignments in future. There are a few exceptions, but that is too small in terms of number. Therefore, independent observation of the election is nearly impossible. Furthermore, the physical infrastructure doesn't support high mobility.
There are other factors too. Coercion takes place at household level, village level or at small towns, where no superficial mechanisms such as election observation could function in practical terms. Therefore, full scale rigging of the election through a mix of several tricks is what Nepal will experience once again. An unfortunate but good thing is that there are multiple riggers this time. The greater the rigger is, the larger the size of his/her party members in the assembly.
This phenomenon is not unique to Nepal as the same could be seen in most of the developing countries. In countries like Nepal, the social as well as political infrastructure that includes political awareness among voters is in its infancy; political culture among the political parties is in its childhood and state machineries behave as teenage hooligans. All these acts inhibit democratic practices. The same is true for Nepal. Hence, limiting expectations to the lowest level would be quite wise.
4. The above analysis presents a mixed picture. On the brighter side, the people to a large extent participated in defining the agenda and offered solutions through writings, plays, public debates, representations and popular movements. This was the most wonderful process to observe. As a result, the country will have federalism with regional autonomy.
It would be a democratic republic. First time in the history of Nepal, multiculturalism, gender equity and proportional representation system got state endorsement. This happened primarily due to the great debate centered on the agenda of the constituent assembly.
Although, there is plenty to clarify, design, develop and institutionalize; any party or parties getting any number of seats may not be at liberty to alter these basically settled issues. On the darker side, the violence has been continuing, though in different form and intensity. The resolution of the armed confrontation is still a distant dream. No one can predict that the election will end the Maoist people's war effectively. There is no probability of being the election free and fair. The election is going to be just a technical act of assembling a battalion of 601 'representatives'.
The national economy will have to bear additional burden to satisfy the needs and wants of these 'representatives'. Seeing the level of confidence among political parties, it sounds certain that no party is in a position of 'winning' a majority in the constituent assembly. All these acts of threats, intimidation and violence are nothing other than the manifestations of their weaker positions. In a way, this is good as the constitution making process will have to pass through more dialogue, debate and accommodations.
Although, composed through unfair and rigged electoral course, at least there would an assembly. That assembly could be a bit better than the existing nominated House of Representatives.
Neither Nepali people could import Nelson Mandela nor could they recreate Thomas Jefferson. Therefore, whatever they could get, they have to bring out from this battalion of 601. This is just a compulsion imposed on the Nepali people by the historical development process. Nothing is surprising as the hungry peasants eat extremely sour fruits or rotten potatoes to survive. Knowing this reality well, the people, collectively, should exert pressure on these 'representatives' to add flesh and blood on the skeleton of evenhandedness, multiculturalism and federalism by a) giving shape to provinces and determining the degree of autonomy, b) developing power sharing arrangements between the federation and the provinces, c) eradicating monarchy and settling the issue of the Presidential or Prime Ministerial form of government, d) inserting vision and values as instruments of governing culture of the new Nepali federation, e) ensuring inclusiveness by incorporating social justice issues, f) establishing rule of law and creating enough space for the judiciary where it could function independently, g) addressing issues of grassroots transformation through structural realignment, and, h) incorporating fundamental rights including right to employment, secondary level education and basic health care.
There is still some possibility of postponing the election again. If the ruling political parties will postpone the election, they will loose their credibility whatever they have now. On the other side, if the constituent assembly comes into existence, still there is no certainty that a new, prosperous, progressive and democratic Nepal will emerge through this exercise alone. But, certainly this will be a major milestone. The Nepali people should be extra careful as they are erecting the milestone in a rainy day.
Note: For more information and analysis on Constituent Assembly, interested readers are welcome to visit my website: www.neupaneg.com, blog: www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com and to read my article "Maobadi Andolan ra Sambidhan Sabhako Prastab: Mahabadvibadko Khancho" published in Himal Khabar Patrika, www.nepalihimal.com/2057/falgun1-15-2057
Posted on: www.nepalipost.com on March 29,2008
1. In the decade-long conflict in Nepal, three parties were involved - the monarchy, parliamentary political parties and Maoists. The popular uprising of April 2006 was effectively launched as a result of an understanding between the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists to get rid of the regressive monarchy.
The movement created some compulsions and some hype that led to a powering sharing arrangement among all three players - the king, the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists. The king agreed to go in hibernation, the parliamentary political parties agreed to share power with the Maoists and the Maoists agreed to halt their armed rebellion popularly known as people's war.
Gradually, all the political players modified their political positions and agreed to the new agenda of organizing the election of the constituent assembly to resolve the conflict and to address issues needing to build a progressive, democratic and prosperous Nepal. The core agenda of the constituent assembly opened floodgates of ideas, aspirations, demands and proposals. The agenda alone played significant role in giving birth to new movements. The issues of ethnicities/nationalities, regions, gender, class and sections got prominence. The entire society experienced upheavals of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity.
The political leadership in this historic juncture failed to lead the people proactively. As a result, there was bloodshed in several districts in Madhes and also in some places in hill areas. Also, the coalition government failed in crafting understandable strategies to govern the nation during the transitional phase.
Sometimes, the parties within the ruling coalition fought vigorously on petty issues including getting a few positions of ambassadors. Their war of words created pessimism among the people and overwhelmed them with frustrations. The behavior of the leaders of the ruling coalition was compatible to that of the king's cronies. But, the brave people fought vigorously in the building process of a new Nepal. As a result, some of the major issues were settled, at least in principle.
These issues included but not limited to the foundation of the new state as a federal democratic republic with regional autonomy. Furthermore, there is consensus on inclusiveness, gender equity, social justice and fundamental rights of the citizens.
2. Nowadays, the political atmosphere in Nepal is full of colors. The closer the day of election, the thicker are the violent behaviors of the political parties. In a single day, there are thousands of rosy speeches, hundreds of acts of threats and violence and a few deaths too.
At least, for the time being, democracy has been limited to 'winning' in the election by any means - clean or dirty. The parties and their leaders are not ready attitudinally or otherwise to participate in a process of fair competition, where people could choose their representatives. They are simply interested in imposing themselves by intimidation, false hopes and bizarre techniques. Organization of the election of the constituent assembly in a free and fair way is central to institutionalize the broadly agreed upon issues, to restructure the state by addressing practical as well as operational aspects of federalism, to formally declare Nepal a republic and to develop vision and values of the new multicultural federal state. The country at this moment has been passing through the critical phase of transition.
In a situation when creating fear, intimidating people and widespread acts of violence are the order of the day, it sounds that the election where people could exercise their right to elect the representatives of their choice is simply a mirage. Collectively as a mass, as a party, as an army; Nepali people are brave, but individually they most often become powerless, particularly when an organized force throws stone on them. Although, the percentage of people participating in the election may increase manifold in comparison to the local election organized by the king's coterie in 2005, the voters may have to face the same fate - voting to a person or party that controls their households, village or community; be it Young Communist League and its parent organization the Maoists, or the Congress and the law enforcing state machinery controlled by it or the CPN (UML) and its youth brigade.
3. Many observers are observing the election process. A few hundreds among them are the foreigners, who could play the role of covering agents to their local counterparts. Broadly speaking, they are ornaments and cosmetics. Thousands of local observers, funded by the resource-rich western charities or governments, have come from nongovernmental organizations, human right organizations, legal fraternity and temporary mechanisms created around some former judges or bureaucrats.
But, what the outside world doesn't know, or pretends ignorance is that in Nepal a cardholder of a political party has several hats and among them, the most sought after are the labels of a human right defender or an NGO activist. They are the active political cadres in disguise. The retired bureaucrats are also equally interested in getting lucrative assignments in future. There are a few exceptions, but that is too small in terms of number. Therefore, independent observation of the election is nearly impossible. Furthermore, the physical infrastructure doesn't support high mobility.
There are other factors too. Coercion takes place at household level, village level or at small towns, where no superficial mechanisms such as election observation could function in practical terms. Therefore, full scale rigging of the election through a mix of several tricks is what Nepal will experience once again. An unfortunate but good thing is that there are multiple riggers this time. The greater the rigger is, the larger the size of his/her party members in the assembly.
This phenomenon is not unique to Nepal as the same could be seen in most of the developing countries. In countries like Nepal, the social as well as political infrastructure that includes political awareness among voters is in its infancy; political culture among the political parties is in its childhood and state machineries behave as teenage hooligans. All these acts inhibit democratic practices. The same is true for Nepal. Hence, limiting expectations to the lowest level would be quite wise.
4. The above analysis presents a mixed picture. On the brighter side, the people to a large extent participated in defining the agenda and offered solutions through writings, plays, public debates, representations and popular movements. This was the most wonderful process to observe. As a result, the country will have federalism with regional autonomy.
It would be a democratic republic. First time in the history of Nepal, multiculturalism, gender equity and proportional representation system got state endorsement. This happened primarily due to the great debate centered on the agenda of the constituent assembly.
Although, there is plenty to clarify, design, develop and institutionalize; any party or parties getting any number of seats may not be at liberty to alter these basically settled issues. On the darker side, the violence has been continuing, though in different form and intensity. The resolution of the armed confrontation is still a distant dream. No one can predict that the election will end the Maoist people's war effectively. There is no probability of being the election free and fair. The election is going to be just a technical act of assembling a battalion of 601 'representatives'.
The national economy will have to bear additional burden to satisfy the needs and wants of these 'representatives'. Seeing the level of confidence among political parties, it sounds certain that no party is in a position of 'winning' a majority in the constituent assembly. All these acts of threats, intimidation and violence are nothing other than the manifestations of their weaker positions. In a way, this is good as the constitution making process will have to pass through more dialogue, debate and accommodations.
Although, composed through unfair and rigged electoral course, at least there would an assembly. That assembly could be a bit better than the existing nominated House of Representatives.
Neither Nepali people could import Nelson Mandela nor could they recreate Thomas Jefferson. Therefore, whatever they could get, they have to bring out from this battalion of 601. This is just a compulsion imposed on the Nepali people by the historical development process. Nothing is surprising as the hungry peasants eat extremely sour fruits or rotten potatoes to survive. Knowing this reality well, the people, collectively, should exert pressure on these 'representatives' to add flesh and blood on the skeleton of evenhandedness, multiculturalism and federalism by a) giving shape to provinces and determining the degree of autonomy, b) developing power sharing arrangements between the federation and the provinces, c) eradicating monarchy and settling the issue of the Presidential or Prime Ministerial form of government, d) inserting vision and values as instruments of governing culture of the new Nepali federation, e) ensuring inclusiveness by incorporating social justice issues, f) establishing rule of law and creating enough space for the judiciary where it could function independently, g) addressing issues of grassroots transformation through structural realignment, and, h) incorporating fundamental rights including right to employment, secondary level education and basic health care.
There is still some possibility of postponing the election again. If the ruling political parties will postpone the election, they will loose their credibility whatever they have now. On the other side, if the constituent assembly comes into existence, still there is no certainty that a new, prosperous, progressive and democratic Nepal will emerge through this exercise alone. But, certainly this will be a major milestone. The Nepali people should be extra careful as they are erecting the milestone in a rainy day.
Note: For more information and analysis on Constituent Assembly, interested readers are welcome to visit my website: www.neupaneg.com, blog: www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com and to read my article "Maobadi Andolan ra Sambidhan Sabhako Prastab: Mahabadvibadko Khancho" published in Himal Khabar Patrika, www.nepalihimal.com/2057/falgun1-15-2057
Posted on: www.nepalipost.com on March 29,2008
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