- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply sent on August 15, 2006 to a Nepali scholar who resides in Tokyo. He is an expert on development policies. After reading my book, "The Nationalities Question in Nepal", he sent me an email in which he had commented on - a) theme of my research, b) cause(s) behind Khas progress - deliberate policy of state or structural factors within the system and/or historical dynamics, and c) reactive and ad-hoc set of solutions including federalism and multiple national languages, which may create confusion and complications. I have posted my reply here after minor editing. Also, I have taken out personal references.)
1. Core theme of my studies: I particularly concentrate on grassroots social transformation. For this reason, I have to work on political philosophy, structure, cultural traits and community behaviors, economic life and current affairs. "Khas vs. Janajati" (I consciously do not use the term "Janajati" for such analysis) or in reality, "Khas vs. oppressed nationalities" could be one of many sub-themes, I work on.
2. Inclusion as expansion of freedom: The entire world is moving fast towards integration. I am in favor of this process. I value freedom. Therefore, I believe that integration should be voluntary. In fact, freedom diminishes the desire for resistance and ultimately increases synergy for integration voluntarily. When I was just beginning the research for my second book, which you read, I was in the process of understanding something that could expand the scope of freedom at grassroots level - at the level of village Nepal. After going through the process of enquiry at local and national level, I realized that multiculturalism and federalism could ensure better social harmony, may provide productive political space and could expand freedom through inclusion and partnership.
3. Multiple languages: I believe that after 100 years, most probably, Nepali itself may not be a functional language, let's forget about languages of several numerically smaller nationalities. I have written on this issue in my first book - Social Development in Nepal or Samajik Bikashko Vibechana. Strategically, I am in favor of one international language and, most probably, that could be English. In this age of information and global village, it would not be helpful to mix cultural or national pride with languages. It may sound contradictory, but I am in favor of freedom in the use of languages particularly at local and regional levels. If Nepali language dies one day after completing its historic role, I will not feel bad as I, myself, am one among the participants who have been contributing voluntarily in its dying process (example includes writing this mail in English). In the same way, the other nationalities too should get the opportunity to contribute voluntarily to help their languages getting places in the history books. In the process of enquiry, I found several people feel they would be different if they could use their languages. Let them experiment with the truth. For me, this is freedom and this is their right.
4. Khas domination: Khas domination in every sphere of societal and national life has been proved beyond doubt. Khasas and their hold over state power primarily made all the differences. This was nothing casual or spontaneous. This was deliberate and systematic. I stand by my research on the issue of Khas domination as presented in my book - "The Nationalities Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" (www.neupaneg.com).
5. Creating confusion and complication: I have received many feedbacks similar to your concern. It has been widely believed that rather than solving the problem such proposals may contribute for chaos, conflicts and disintegration. Contrary to this popular belief, I have found the people intelligent and they know their destiny individually and collectively. Nobody, who is intelligent and knows where he or she should aim to reach, will bring misery for himself or herself. Yes, there could be some negative consequences for some time in some areas with some nationalities, but that may not be a general trend. I agree with you that if the issue would be over politicized, it may create problem.
Monday, September 25, 2006
Sunday, September 17, 2006
Restoration of Peace in Nepal: Some Issues
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply to a friend. The reply was sent on September 12, 2006. Only a few sentences related to personal references have been edited.)
1. Political fluidity and Constituent Assembly (CA) election - The political situation in the country is fluid. All political forces are passing through a phase of transition in regard to their future roles. The king is still on life support system. In other words, he is in hibernation and will try to bounce back, if and when he will have opportunity. Nepali Congress has started to play some sort of accommodative role. If all political forces agree to its agenda and endeavor, there could be peace but socio-political stagnation would obstruct the process of transformation, particularly at grassroots level. Edward Muller (please read his thought provoking article in American Sociological Review, vol. 53, Issue 1, - 1998) argues that in a society where there is extreme poverty, democracy may not be successful. He recommends that in such societies, rule of a strong party may be necessary to create favorable situation by narrowing down the economic gap. He puts Singapore as an example. It is only natural to expect democracy functioning as its socio-political and economic fundamentals allow. In such situation Congress' liberal democracy (democratic socialism?) may not lead us to functioning democracy. UML is playing, most of the time (or always?), the role of a flying object. It understands politics as its profit making business and practices game of convenience to enhance its entrepreneurial objective by flying this side today and that side tomorrow. Its communism is a strange animal that has no shape, size or characteristics. It is regrettable that such a large political organization is in such an ideological and political mess. The Maoists have contributed to build a radical force that could be mobilized to create sound basis for a functioning democracy. When I use the term "radical force", I refer to the militant masses. Primarily, they are the participants of the "Spring Thunder 2006" in Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal. Nurturing this mass and creating a socio-economic and political situation where they can play the most important role in the affairs of state and society may be the basis for a vibrant democracy. The CA election could be the new beginning to that endeavor.
2. Arms management - We should see why the Maoists took arms? If it is for building a strong political force or forces and critical mass to transform the society and state, then that objective has not been achieved. Talking peace is nothing new to any political force. Most important is to examine the viability of that statement. The Maoist leadership may be under tremendous pressure from its cadres to take a more pragmatic line on the issues of arms when there is monarchy still breathing, the same army leadership is intact or even emboldened, foreign pressure on Nepali Congress and UML to part company with the Maoists has been growing and uncertainty over the future political course is continuing. As I had mentioned in my previous email to you that the best course could be to keep the Maoist army with their weapons in temporary barracks. I think that that would be the viable option till the CA poll is not over.
3. Renouncing violence: This could be the desire of all of us, but how that option could be materialized. This is not as simple as many intellectuals believe. For them, when the
Maoist leadership declares that they renounced violence, the violence would end there. The Maoist leadership would remain stronger only to that date till they stay predictable. They raised the arms stating that they will transform the society, and without giving an alternative strategy to further the cause peacefully, they may not call it off. CA election could bring such opportunity to state that the peaceful strategy might come into play.
4. Maoists and SPA relation: SPA is a temporary united front created to fight against the totalitarian regime of the king. When the monarchy disappears as a power or as an institution, the arrangement looses its relevance. The same is applicable to the relation between the SPA and Maoists. And, in a multiparty framework that is normal and natural. Unnatural is all party governance (in absence of legal opposition as in the case of Nepal now). Therefore, ruling party or alliances and opposition parties or alliances should play their respective roles to safeguard the interest of the people and nation. Shaking hands between SPA and Maoists for a cause, such as creating an environment and a framework for vibrant democracy through constituent assembly is understandable. For this purpose, to share the responsibilities by coming together in an interim arrangement is also understandable. But making legal opposition irrelevant (such as the role of Rastriya Prajatantra Party in parliament today and probably many others tomorrow) is harmful for democracy. This was the major issue that many communist parties failed to understand. As a result, they had to see set backs all over the world. Therefore, in my opinion, pluralism even today in a transitional arrangement makes perfect sense. Moreover, pluralistic political arrangements and behaviors may contribute to have a sound foundation for democracy in Nepal. Let's not create 'unity' at the costs of pluralistic political practices.
5. Your arguments: I respect your feelings and desire to stop fighting and start building the nation. I could only add that stopping fighting and building the nation are part of a larger socio-economic and political process. Emotionally I am with you, but as a political analyst, I have to travel through the path of realism as far as my understanding of the objective situation directs me to travel to.
(This is my reply to a friend. The reply was sent on September 12, 2006. Only a few sentences related to personal references have been edited.)
1. Political fluidity and Constituent Assembly (CA) election - The political situation in the country is fluid. All political forces are passing through a phase of transition in regard to their future roles. The king is still on life support system. In other words, he is in hibernation and will try to bounce back, if and when he will have opportunity. Nepali Congress has started to play some sort of accommodative role. If all political forces agree to its agenda and endeavor, there could be peace but socio-political stagnation would obstruct the process of transformation, particularly at grassroots level. Edward Muller (please read his thought provoking article in American Sociological Review, vol. 53, Issue 1, - 1998) argues that in a society where there is extreme poverty, democracy may not be successful. He recommends that in such societies, rule of a strong party may be necessary to create favorable situation by narrowing down the economic gap. He puts Singapore as an example. It is only natural to expect democracy functioning as its socio-political and economic fundamentals allow. In such situation Congress' liberal democracy (democratic socialism?) may not lead us to functioning democracy. UML is playing, most of the time (or always?), the role of a flying object. It understands politics as its profit making business and practices game of convenience to enhance its entrepreneurial objective by flying this side today and that side tomorrow. Its communism is a strange animal that has no shape, size or characteristics. It is regrettable that such a large political organization is in such an ideological and political mess. The Maoists have contributed to build a radical force that could be mobilized to create sound basis for a functioning democracy. When I use the term "radical force", I refer to the militant masses. Primarily, they are the participants of the "Spring Thunder 2006" in Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal. Nurturing this mass and creating a socio-economic and political situation where they can play the most important role in the affairs of state and society may be the basis for a vibrant democracy. The CA election could be the new beginning to that endeavor.
2. Arms management - We should see why the Maoists took arms? If it is for building a strong political force or forces and critical mass to transform the society and state, then that objective has not been achieved. Talking peace is nothing new to any political force. Most important is to examine the viability of that statement. The Maoist leadership may be under tremendous pressure from its cadres to take a more pragmatic line on the issues of arms when there is monarchy still breathing, the same army leadership is intact or even emboldened, foreign pressure on Nepali Congress and UML to part company with the Maoists has been growing and uncertainty over the future political course is continuing. As I had mentioned in my previous email to you that the best course could be to keep the Maoist army with their weapons in temporary barracks. I think that that would be the viable option till the CA poll is not over.
3. Renouncing violence: This could be the desire of all of us, but how that option could be materialized. This is not as simple as many intellectuals believe. For them, when the
Maoist leadership declares that they renounced violence, the violence would end there. The Maoist leadership would remain stronger only to that date till they stay predictable. They raised the arms stating that they will transform the society, and without giving an alternative strategy to further the cause peacefully, they may not call it off. CA election could bring such opportunity to state that the peaceful strategy might come into play.
4. Maoists and SPA relation: SPA is a temporary united front created to fight against the totalitarian regime of the king. When the monarchy disappears as a power or as an institution, the arrangement looses its relevance. The same is applicable to the relation between the SPA and Maoists. And, in a multiparty framework that is normal and natural. Unnatural is all party governance (in absence of legal opposition as in the case of Nepal now). Therefore, ruling party or alliances and opposition parties or alliances should play their respective roles to safeguard the interest of the people and nation. Shaking hands between SPA and Maoists for a cause, such as creating an environment and a framework for vibrant democracy through constituent assembly is understandable. For this purpose, to share the responsibilities by coming together in an interim arrangement is also understandable. But making legal opposition irrelevant (such as the role of Rastriya Prajatantra Party in parliament today and probably many others tomorrow) is harmful for democracy. This was the major issue that many communist parties failed to understand. As a result, they had to see set backs all over the world. Therefore, in my opinion, pluralism even today in a transitional arrangement makes perfect sense. Moreover, pluralistic political arrangements and behaviors may contribute to have a sound foundation for democracy in Nepal. Let's not create 'unity' at the costs of pluralistic political practices.
5. Your arguments: I respect your feelings and desire to stop fighting and start building the nation. I could only add that stopping fighting and building the nation are part of a larger socio-economic and political process. Emotionally I am with you, but as a political analyst, I have to travel through the path of realism as far as my understanding of the objective situation directs me to travel to.
Sunday, September 10, 2006
A Brief Note on Political Parties
- Govinda Neupane
In the fourth century, during the time of Roman Empire, in Roman senate there were two groups or the parties in their crude form. They were the Patricians and Plebeians representing the interests of the noble families and the merchants respectively. This was the beginning of the class-oriented collective political behavior. For centuries, such process continued in different form. But, the more visible organized attempt was seen during the evolution phase of young Italian republics during the 14th and 15th centuries. The Guelphs and the Ghibellines were present in almost all the Italian city-states. The Guelph represented the merchants and the Ghibelline was the organization of the feudal class. Although, these organizations did not last long, they created a base for the emergence of new parties. During the 17th and 18th century, several political parties came into existence in Europe and America. In Britain, the Whigs (pro-strong parliament) and Tories (pro-strong monarchy) were formed within a period of 10 years between 1678 and 1688. The Jacobins (radical reformers), Codeliers and Girondists appeared in France during the revolution of 1789. In America, the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans came into existence in 1787 and 1796 respectively. After the publication of the German edition of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" in 1872 (the first edition of the menifesto was published in London in February, 1948), the parties with socialist orientation appeared. The German Social Democratic Party established in 1875 was one among them. Although, its program was heavily criticized by Karl Marx himself, this event and its program ignited the philosophical debate profoundly. As a result, the Communist Party of Germany came into existence in 1918. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was formed in 1898, which was renamed as Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) in 1918 and again its name was changed to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of Great Britain was established in 1920. Indian National Congress was one of the oldest parties in Asia established in 1885. In China, Kuomintang was established in 1912. In 1921, the Communist Party of China and in 1925, the Communist Party of India came into existence.
In Nepal, several parties appeared during the anti-Rana popular movement which started from 1932. Several attempts to establish some kind of the political formations gave birth to Prachanda Gorkha, Praja Parishad, Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress before 1947. Finally, the Nepali Congress was formed in 1949 by merging Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress. The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949. The prominent Nepalese political parties represented three types of interests. From 1951 to 1960, the Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad represented the interest of feudalism and its political institutions. The Nepali Congress represented the interest of rich farmers, bourgeoisies, creamy layer of the intelligentsia, and youths of the upper and middle classes. In theory, the Communist Party propounded the idea of defending the class interests of workers, peasants (middle, poor, agricultural laborers). But in practical sense, the party was dominated by higher middle class and primarily represented the interests of petty bourgeoisies and patriotic section of intelligentsia. From 1961 to 1990, Panchayat replaced Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad and others remained the same. After 1990, Rastriya Prajatantra Party replaced Panchayat and the Communist Party groups divided into three divisions – the centrist, who call themselves as communists (e.g. UML), the leftist, who are a mixture of progressive democrats and communists (e.g. Mashal-Ekta Kendra) and the radical communists (e.g. Maoists).
Rastriya Prajatantra Party is quite transparent in its ideological stand. It has been acting predictably. The party is not the victim of duality. Nepali congress also has not suffered that much as it functions as a loose network of interests of upper and middle classes. The party does not move around any ideology, though for the consumption of masses and for international image-making, it covers itself with an ideological flag called socialism. Its socialism is open for interpretation for everybody to any meaning, scope and extent. The party has adopted some sorts of ultra liberalism. Therefore, it has no compulsions to finding out any pretensions. The centrist under the trade mark of the communists are in difficulties. Duality of ideology, programs, values, words and actions is what they prefer to practice. When a party cadre working in a turpentine factory at Nepalgunj comes to visit Balkhu, they invent life size pictures of Marx and Mao. But, when an ambassador of a hyper-power comes to visit there for some counseling, even the smaller posters of Marx and Mao go inside a safe deposit vault. For the short term, they can enjoy the benefit of the art of creating illusion (political hypnotism), but on the long run, they are the most vulnerable political artistes. They do not have independent class base as they share the same base with Nepali Congress. The center left groups, who also cover themselves by a brand name of communists, are the continuation of the communist party of yesteryears. They are a coalition of class interests of lower and middle classes. They have future as a front organization, but not as a political party. The Maoists, basically, are the communists ideologically, politically and organizationally.
The picture what is seen in Nepal primarily refers to the fight between the forces of status quo and the forces of change. Change not only that of the system of governance, but also the foundation of multiple relationships within a society. The social contract between different forces of production has been going through the process of reexamination. The emergence of a set of contracts based on equity and justice are drawing attention. In the rural areas, the very foundation of feudalism and its social contract reflected in the values, practices, belief systems and norms have been shaken. The domination of feudal politics, culture and economy is in the verge of collapse. Now, several types of transitional arrangements have come up. Today, the needs are to refining and standardizing those arrangements into a comprehensive governance mechanism and to implementing the same at macro level. As long as discrimination on the ground of nationality, gender, caste and class would continue; the equitable, just and prosperous society would remain a distant dream.
Whether they were the Roman Patricians and Plebeians or Italian Guelphs and Ghibellines or Chinese Kuomintang and Communist, they had been in a grand fight against each other, unprecedented in their respective societies. They fought in all areas - philosophy, politics, culture and progress of their societies. Most of the time, they made history by venturing into brand new paths. They gave expression to prevailing contradictions of their societies. They were the class organizations of the highest level. Today, there are hundreds of political parties. They share broadly the same type of the platform as the parties mentioned above occupied. The process of organized behavior of different political forces has been increasing every passing year. Not only the number of the political parties has increased but the scope of their influence has been expanded tremendously. All the political parties have been collectively protecting their class interests. Some of them have contributed positively by playing a progressive role towards the socio-economic and political dynamics of the society whereas some others are the masters of regression. The same is true to Nepal.
January 10, 2006
In the fourth century, during the time of Roman Empire, in Roman senate there were two groups or the parties in their crude form. They were the Patricians and Plebeians representing the interests of the noble families and the merchants respectively. This was the beginning of the class-oriented collective political behavior. For centuries, such process continued in different form. But, the more visible organized attempt was seen during the evolution phase of young Italian republics during the 14th and 15th centuries. The Guelphs and the Ghibellines were present in almost all the Italian city-states. The Guelph represented the merchants and the Ghibelline was the organization of the feudal class. Although, these organizations did not last long, they created a base for the emergence of new parties. During the 17th and 18th century, several political parties came into existence in Europe and America. In Britain, the Whigs (pro-strong parliament) and Tories (pro-strong monarchy) were formed within a period of 10 years between 1678 and 1688. The Jacobins (radical reformers), Codeliers and Girondists appeared in France during the revolution of 1789. In America, the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans came into existence in 1787 and 1796 respectively. After the publication of the German edition of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" in 1872 (the first edition of the menifesto was published in London in February, 1948), the parties with socialist orientation appeared. The German Social Democratic Party established in 1875 was one among them. Although, its program was heavily criticized by Karl Marx himself, this event and its program ignited the philosophical debate profoundly. As a result, the Communist Party of Germany came into existence in 1918. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was formed in 1898, which was renamed as Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) in 1918 and again its name was changed to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of Great Britain was established in 1920. Indian National Congress was one of the oldest parties in Asia established in 1885. In China, Kuomintang was established in 1912. In 1921, the Communist Party of China and in 1925, the Communist Party of India came into existence.
In Nepal, several parties appeared during the anti-Rana popular movement which started from 1932. Several attempts to establish some kind of the political formations gave birth to Prachanda Gorkha, Praja Parishad, Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress before 1947. Finally, the Nepali Congress was formed in 1949 by merging Nepali Rastriya Congress and Nepal Prajatantra Congress. The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949. The prominent Nepalese political parties represented three types of interests. From 1951 to 1960, the Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad represented the interest of feudalism and its political institutions. The Nepali Congress represented the interest of rich farmers, bourgeoisies, creamy layer of the intelligentsia, and youths of the upper and middle classes. In theory, the Communist Party propounded the idea of defending the class interests of workers, peasants (middle, poor, agricultural laborers). But in practical sense, the party was dominated by higher middle class and primarily represented the interests of petty bourgeoisies and patriotic section of intelligentsia. From 1961 to 1990, Panchayat replaced Rastrabadi Gorkha Parishad and others remained the same. After 1990, Rastriya Prajatantra Party replaced Panchayat and the Communist Party groups divided into three divisions – the centrist, who call themselves as communists (e.g. UML), the leftist, who are a mixture of progressive democrats and communists (e.g. Mashal-Ekta Kendra) and the radical communists (e.g. Maoists).
Rastriya Prajatantra Party is quite transparent in its ideological stand. It has been acting predictably. The party is not the victim of duality. Nepali congress also has not suffered that much as it functions as a loose network of interests of upper and middle classes. The party does not move around any ideology, though for the consumption of masses and for international image-making, it covers itself with an ideological flag called socialism. Its socialism is open for interpretation for everybody to any meaning, scope and extent. The party has adopted some sorts of ultra liberalism. Therefore, it has no compulsions to finding out any pretensions. The centrist under the trade mark of the communists are in difficulties. Duality of ideology, programs, values, words and actions is what they prefer to practice. When a party cadre working in a turpentine factory at Nepalgunj comes to visit Balkhu, they invent life size pictures of Marx and Mao. But, when an ambassador of a hyper-power comes to visit there for some counseling, even the smaller posters of Marx and Mao go inside a safe deposit vault. For the short term, they can enjoy the benefit of the art of creating illusion (political hypnotism), but on the long run, they are the most vulnerable political artistes. They do not have independent class base as they share the same base with Nepali Congress. The center left groups, who also cover themselves by a brand name of communists, are the continuation of the communist party of yesteryears. They are a coalition of class interests of lower and middle classes. They have future as a front organization, but not as a political party. The Maoists, basically, are the communists ideologically, politically and organizationally.
The picture what is seen in Nepal primarily refers to the fight between the forces of status quo and the forces of change. Change not only that of the system of governance, but also the foundation of multiple relationships within a society. The social contract between different forces of production has been going through the process of reexamination. The emergence of a set of contracts based on equity and justice are drawing attention. In the rural areas, the very foundation of feudalism and its social contract reflected in the values, practices, belief systems and norms have been shaken. The domination of feudal politics, culture and economy is in the verge of collapse. Now, several types of transitional arrangements have come up. Today, the needs are to refining and standardizing those arrangements into a comprehensive governance mechanism and to implementing the same at macro level. As long as discrimination on the ground of nationality, gender, caste and class would continue; the equitable, just and prosperous society would remain a distant dream.
Whether they were the Roman Patricians and Plebeians or Italian Guelphs and Ghibellines or Chinese Kuomintang and Communist, they had been in a grand fight against each other, unprecedented in their respective societies. They fought in all areas - philosophy, politics, culture and progress of their societies. Most of the time, they made history by venturing into brand new paths. They gave expression to prevailing contradictions of their societies. They were the class organizations of the highest level. Today, there are hundreds of political parties. They share broadly the same type of the platform as the parties mentioned above occupied. The process of organized behavior of different political forces has been increasing every passing year. Not only the number of the political parties has increased but the scope of their influence has been expanded tremendously. All the political parties have been collectively protecting their class interests. Some of them have contributed positively by playing a progressive role towards the socio-economic and political dynamics of the society whereas some others are the masters of regression. The same is true to Nepal.
January 10, 2006
Wednesday, September 06, 2006
Nepal Reality Check - II: Regression Discharged from ICU
- Govinda Neupane
The euphoria of "Spring Thunder - 2006" has been gradually dissipating. For this process, several factors contributed. Among them the prominent factors included political amateurism and opportunism, incompetent governance, indifference of state functionaries, middle class hunger and greed, misuse of youthful energy and courage, politicization of 'civil society' and influence of foreign forces.
1. Immediately after the conclusion of the movement, the politicians of the parliamentary school promised that they will bring heaven to Nepal soon. The reinstated parliament was super active in selling cosmetics that included making the king powerless (but not abolishing the monarchy!). Their 'Magna Carta' covered many insignificant issues, which had nothing to do with the grassroots socio-political change. They simply took the path of populism that had its foundation on amateurism and opportunism. The political parties, which belonged to the parliamentary school are running the government and are opposing the government at the same time. For them, politics is the game of convenience. A friend of mine J. D. Baidya, who headed the Nepal Jaycees long time ago, says, "I am not a political thinker nor I have the insights of politics. But as a layman, all I can say is that the present miserable state of Nepal is because of visionless, mindless and incompetent parasites acting as political leaders." The conclusion of such an informed citizen is self-explanatory.
2. The demands of any section of people might be legitimate, but due to other obligations, the state may not be able to meet such demands. It is strange that the government in power in Nepal does not know its obligations neither it has any specific priority. The government bows down when a crowd of even10-12 persons comes with a wish list. Thus, it has contributed to strengthen the platform for anarchy. A government without a mission, without a priority and without any obligation to adhering to laws, rules and programs only can bring misery to its people. The same is happening today. The government is not only incompetent in creating positive environment to resolve the political conflict but also it failed in basics, such as providing security to its citizens. The robbers and thieves have a field-day even in the capital city.
3. The ethics and morality were alien for most of the state functionaries since the inception of their functions. Now, the fear factor also has gone away from their mind. Corruption has been continuing as an acceptable cultural practice. For most of government employees, non-performance is what they get the salary for, and to perform they need extra payment from the receiver of services. For a long time, it was believed that the police have been collaborating with the criminals, but in recent days, the frequency and quality of their participation has increased tremendously. The policemen linked with the recent robberies in the capital are a few examples. The state functionaries, particularly at higher levels are the sons or daughters of repressive regimes, and naturally they are sympathetic to regression. Many people interpret in such a way that regression is the king. That is not true. The king is one among the principle actors but to tell that the king alone represents regression is misleading. Regression should be understood as an act that takes the society and state backward and reintroduces the state culture of oppression and cronyism to prevent fundamental change. If this definition is applied, the state functionaries are functioning in such a way that that has been strengthening the forces of regression. The government is simply bribing the higher level functionaries by promotions and transfers in lucrative posts to get their cooperation. This is nothing other than rewarding them, who actually deserve punishment.
4. At the end of the 1990 movement, the persons loosely associated with the universities as part time teachers launched some sort of agitation to become permanent. They were granted to occupy those positions without participating in any kind of competition. The same has been happening today. The part time teachers of the universities and temporary employees of several corporations, government departments and projects are blocking the roads or gates of their respective offices. This is strange that you just block everything at your wish and get what you want. This is simply a situation of lawlessness. Moreover, this is regression as you are favoring a section of people by rewarding them without giving fair chance to everybody qualified and willing to compete. The big business houses are not interested to pay back the bank loans. Similarly, everybody employed here and there wants to compel the government to raise his or her salary and benefits. The peasants all over Nepal are forgotten, whereas the middle class hunger and greed have been parading on the disfigured roads of the ancient city of Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal.
5. The youths, particularly the students, are high in ideals, zeal and initiatives. They are wonderful in their courage. But, the political crooks just sneak inside the community of youths and try to advance their causes through them. In general, the students have a responsibility to train themselves for future, but the political crooks need them today. Therefore, inspired by the colorful phrases of the political crooks, the youths use their energy and courage even in the areas that are not necessarily compatible to their roles. They should be agitating for the improvement of the education system that may include teaching-learning process, environment and mechanism. Also, they could stop their studies temporarily if there is a great call of the nation when it is at the historic crossroads. But, for every issue, every time and in a sundry fashion, calling the youths to come to streets is counterproductive, loss making and irresponsible. Unfortunately, that is what the political crooks are practicing even when they are in the government. They raised the price of fuel without any homework as government and they opposed the price rise without any sense of responsibility as political parties. Moreover, they instigated the youths to come to streets. Finally, they felt immense satisfaction when their own government rolled back their own decision. In this process, several families lost their livelihood as their petty businesses were destroyed by the mob, besides the blood-shedding of several agitating youths. Regrettable!
6. The Nepali civil society is a strange animal. It is something like the loosely connected universe of diverse interests. The frustrated politicians are civil society. The bureaucrats are civil society. The media failures are civil society. And, the business persons are civil society. Furthermore, social service contract agencies are also civil society. (For further reading, please visit http://www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com/ -"A Brief Note on NGOs and Civil Society Representation"). They create hue and cry, if and when they are left out. The same has been happening now. The real civil societies are busy at basics - water, literacy, livelihood, awareness, information dissemination, etc. The civil society actors among journalists are fighting for sustainable space to play a critical role, whereas the corporate media houses are pretending as over-weight civil society actors. Thus, the 'civil society' has been politicized to maximize the political benefits for certain political parties or individuals. Furthermore, also they are politicized to derive maximum monitory benefits for the service contract agencies and corporate media houses.
7. Once, I had reviewed a book. I sent the review to publish. After receiving the review, the editor of the news journal sent an email asking me to write and send him an article for that news journal. I wrote one and sent to him. The article did not see the light of the day. The editor, the humble associate of the publisher, had every right not to publish something that is against their stated policy. Only surprising was that he did not even acknowledge neither he informed me about their decision not to publish. Asking for the article and ignoring entirely was what a bit strange behavior. The article was written in March 2006. In that article, I had raised the issue of foreign influence, besides other issues and had questioned the role of the envoys of a few powerful countries. When you accept some one as your master during your rainy days, naturally that master would like to stay as your master during your sunny days. Everybody could see now what the envoys of certain powerful countries are telling to this government to do. The US Ambassador has been performing the role of a Viceroy of British colonial India. A friend of mine was pondering over whether it would be better to become Sikkim that gives you the first class Indian citizenship rather than to become a second class Indian subject with Nepali citizenship. The second scenario just brings duties, whereas it denies rights. In fact, it is foolish to think on that way, but still it reveals the frustration of a Nepali soul.
Now, the question arises that the great movement lunched by the Nepalese people heroically resulted to what? In substance, it created awareness among the people and brought the situation to status quo ante that allowed people to express and to be organized. In form, it just separated a few feathers from the wings of the king. Rest, everything is the loud talk of the political crooks. Moreover, as values, behaviors and practices; regression has come out of the Intensive Care Unit. It is fast infecting all organs of the government and also the thought process of the ruling elites. Particularly, it is in a stage of capturing the soul of the reinstated rulers to complete the process of regression by attaining reconciliation between traditional and parliamentary forces. If that reconciliation materializes, the regression process will complete. In that situation, we would be free to welcome regression or to fight against it as resolutely as we fought during the "Spring Thunder - 2006".
September 04, 2006
The euphoria of "Spring Thunder - 2006" has been gradually dissipating. For this process, several factors contributed. Among them the prominent factors included political amateurism and opportunism, incompetent governance, indifference of state functionaries, middle class hunger and greed, misuse of youthful energy and courage, politicization of 'civil society' and influence of foreign forces.
1. Immediately after the conclusion of the movement, the politicians of the parliamentary school promised that they will bring heaven to Nepal soon. The reinstated parliament was super active in selling cosmetics that included making the king powerless (but not abolishing the monarchy!). Their 'Magna Carta' covered many insignificant issues, which had nothing to do with the grassroots socio-political change. They simply took the path of populism that had its foundation on amateurism and opportunism. The political parties, which belonged to the parliamentary school are running the government and are opposing the government at the same time. For them, politics is the game of convenience. A friend of mine J. D. Baidya, who headed the Nepal Jaycees long time ago, says, "I am not a political thinker nor I have the insights of politics. But as a layman, all I can say is that the present miserable state of Nepal is because of visionless, mindless and incompetent parasites acting as political leaders." The conclusion of such an informed citizen is self-explanatory.
2. The demands of any section of people might be legitimate, but due to other obligations, the state may not be able to meet such demands. It is strange that the government in power in Nepal does not know its obligations neither it has any specific priority. The government bows down when a crowd of even10-12 persons comes with a wish list. Thus, it has contributed to strengthen the platform for anarchy. A government without a mission, without a priority and without any obligation to adhering to laws, rules and programs only can bring misery to its people. The same is happening today. The government is not only incompetent in creating positive environment to resolve the political conflict but also it failed in basics, such as providing security to its citizens. The robbers and thieves have a field-day even in the capital city.
3. The ethics and morality were alien for most of the state functionaries since the inception of their functions. Now, the fear factor also has gone away from their mind. Corruption has been continuing as an acceptable cultural practice. For most of government employees, non-performance is what they get the salary for, and to perform they need extra payment from the receiver of services. For a long time, it was believed that the police have been collaborating with the criminals, but in recent days, the frequency and quality of their participation has increased tremendously. The policemen linked with the recent robberies in the capital are a few examples. The state functionaries, particularly at higher levels are the sons or daughters of repressive regimes, and naturally they are sympathetic to regression. Many people interpret in such a way that regression is the king. That is not true. The king is one among the principle actors but to tell that the king alone represents regression is misleading. Regression should be understood as an act that takes the society and state backward and reintroduces the state culture of oppression and cronyism to prevent fundamental change. If this definition is applied, the state functionaries are functioning in such a way that that has been strengthening the forces of regression. The government is simply bribing the higher level functionaries by promotions and transfers in lucrative posts to get their cooperation. This is nothing other than rewarding them, who actually deserve punishment.
4. At the end of the 1990 movement, the persons loosely associated with the universities as part time teachers launched some sort of agitation to become permanent. They were granted to occupy those positions without participating in any kind of competition. The same has been happening today. The part time teachers of the universities and temporary employees of several corporations, government departments and projects are blocking the roads or gates of their respective offices. This is strange that you just block everything at your wish and get what you want. This is simply a situation of lawlessness. Moreover, this is regression as you are favoring a section of people by rewarding them without giving fair chance to everybody qualified and willing to compete. The big business houses are not interested to pay back the bank loans. Similarly, everybody employed here and there wants to compel the government to raise his or her salary and benefits. The peasants all over Nepal are forgotten, whereas the middle class hunger and greed have been parading on the disfigured roads of the ancient city of Kathmandu and elsewhere in Nepal.
5. The youths, particularly the students, are high in ideals, zeal and initiatives. They are wonderful in their courage. But, the political crooks just sneak inside the community of youths and try to advance their causes through them. In general, the students have a responsibility to train themselves for future, but the political crooks need them today. Therefore, inspired by the colorful phrases of the political crooks, the youths use their energy and courage even in the areas that are not necessarily compatible to their roles. They should be agitating for the improvement of the education system that may include teaching-learning process, environment and mechanism. Also, they could stop their studies temporarily if there is a great call of the nation when it is at the historic crossroads. But, for every issue, every time and in a sundry fashion, calling the youths to come to streets is counterproductive, loss making and irresponsible. Unfortunately, that is what the political crooks are practicing even when they are in the government. They raised the price of fuel without any homework as government and they opposed the price rise without any sense of responsibility as political parties. Moreover, they instigated the youths to come to streets. Finally, they felt immense satisfaction when their own government rolled back their own decision. In this process, several families lost their livelihood as their petty businesses were destroyed by the mob, besides the blood-shedding of several agitating youths. Regrettable!
6. The Nepali civil society is a strange animal. It is something like the loosely connected universe of diverse interests. The frustrated politicians are civil society. The bureaucrats are civil society. The media failures are civil society. And, the business persons are civil society. Furthermore, social service contract agencies are also civil society. (For further reading, please visit http://www.parivartannepal.blogspot.com/ -"A Brief Note on NGOs and Civil Society Representation"). They create hue and cry, if and when they are left out. The same has been happening now. The real civil societies are busy at basics - water, literacy, livelihood, awareness, information dissemination, etc. The civil society actors among journalists are fighting for sustainable space to play a critical role, whereas the corporate media houses are pretending as over-weight civil society actors. Thus, the 'civil society' has been politicized to maximize the political benefits for certain political parties or individuals. Furthermore, also they are politicized to derive maximum monitory benefits for the service contract agencies and corporate media houses.
7. Once, I had reviewed a book. I sent the review to publish. After receiving the review, the editor of the news journal sent an email asking me to write and send him an article for that news journal. I wrote one and sent to him. The article did not see the light of the day. The editor, the humble associate of the publisher, had every right not to publish something that is against their stated policy. Only surprising was that he did not even acknowledge neither he informed me about their decision not to publish. Asking for the article and ignoring entirely was what a bit strange behavior. The article was written in March 2006. In that article, I had raised the issue of foreign influence, besides other issues and had questioned the role of the envoys of a few powerful countries. When you accept some one as your master during your rainy days, naturally that master would like to stay as your master during your sunny days. Everybody could see now what the envoys of certain powerful countries are telling to this government to do. The US Ambassador has been performing the role of a Viceroy of British colonial India. A friend of mine was pondering over whether it would be better to become Sikkim that gives you the first class Indian citizenship rather than to become a second class Indian subject with Nepali citizenship. The second scenario just brings duties, whereas it denies rights. In fact, it is foolish to think on that way, but still it reveals the frustration of a Nepali soul.
Now, the question arises that the great movement lunched by the Nepalese people heroically resulted to what? In substance, it created awareness among the people and brought the situation to status quo ante that allowed people to express and to be organized. In form, it just separated a few feathers from the wings of the king. Rest, everything is the loud talk of the political crooks. Moreover, as values, behaviors and practices; regression has come out of the Intensive Care Unit. It is fast infecting all organs of the government and also the thought process of the ruling elites. Particularly, it is in a stage of capturing the soul of the reinstated rulers to complete the process of regression by attaining reconciliation between traditional and parliamentary forces. If that reconciliation materializes, the regression process will complete. In that situation, we would be free to welcome regression or to fight against it as resolutely as we fought during the "Spring Thunder - 2006".
September 04, 2006
Saturday, September 02, 2006
Spring Thunder in Nepal: Glorious but Inconclusive - II
- Govinda Neupane
Background
My article "Spring Thunder in Nepal: Glorious but Inconclusive" was posted on "United We Blog" (http://www.blog.com.np/). This is just a rejoinder, which had been written as a response to the issues raised by the fellow bloggers. The issues prominently raised included Khas domination, land issue, Maoist movement and my conclusion in the article. The rejoinder was posted on http://www.blog.com.np/ and had also got tremendous response.
Khas domination:
In Nepal, there are five nationalities - Madheshi (31.53%), Khas (30.89%), MangolKirat (23.05%), Dalit (7.87%) and Newar (5.48%). Besides, there are some small unclassified groups (1.19%). The Khas has four sub-groups. They are Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sanyasi. The Khas-Hindu rulers used the caste system, cultural invasion and Hindu administrative as well as legal system as the basis for suppressing the cultures of other nationalities. The process of Khas domination had started long ago and the state provided the leadership. Therefore, the role of the state in creating favorable environment for Khas domination and centralization of available resources, opportunities and power around them is the primary reason for all sorts of inequalities among nationalities. In 2005, Khasas having a population of 30.89% had been occupying 59.18% of the powerful leadership positions in four major areas - state, political parties, private sector and civil society. (For details, please see my book "Nepalko jatiya Prashna: Samajik Banot ra Sajhedariko Sambhavana", Second Edition - 2005, Center for Development Studies - Nepal, Kathmandu. The first edition of the book is available in the internet in English. The title of the book is "The Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism". For the book, please visit my website: www.neupaneg.com). In reality, if we wish to build an egalitarian, civilized and prosperous Nepal, we should end the Khas domination in every aspect of national life.
Land Issue:
There are four issues involved - ownership, communal relations (i.e., nationalities' ownership pattern, such as who controls the former Kipat land in Limbuan), value of land as per its location and productivity. In Nepal, land brings prestige, provides insurance cover and ensures livelihood for a large majority of people. Therefore, one has to appreciate the role that land plays. Moreover, it is the most important means of production. Also, the land has contributed to class conflicts, court cases and corruption opportunities for the bureaucrats including in the legal system who are called judges. Therefore, resolution of the land issue has been critical and central. The issue is not that everybody has to share poverty, rather everybody should have equitable share on prosperity. Therefore, the traditional land reform alone may not solve the problem, though it is true that there is the need of redistribution of land particularly based on "land to the tiller". Hence, one has to be creative, innovative and willing to accept the mechanism of collective problem solving. Cooperative farming particularly horticulture in commercial scales in the hill areas by bringing land and labor inputs together as shares could be one among such initiatives. In some areas, reverting to communal ownership as an upgraded Kipat system may help. In fact, the most important issues are to ensure equity, justice and prosperity. Let's collectively continue to search for better and better options to resolve the issues related to land, which is one of the most important productive resources in Nepal.
Maoist Movement:
After the historic people's movement of 1990, the expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. After the movement, one or the other party formed the government. Unfortunately, they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high. In the mean time the Maoists took arms. The politico-economic and social agenda have centered on the armed confrontations, battles and war since 1996. Since then, the society has been passing through a difficult phase of transition. In fact, feudalism has been fast disappearing in the villages. The towns and cities also are passing through socio-political change, speedily. The awakening among the oppressed nationalities has been unprecedented. And, hope has been generated among the people. The "Spring Thunder of April 2006" has opened up the opportunities to realize the dream of a new Nepal. Now, the Nepalese state and people could address the issues of fundamental societal transformation. Therefore, there is the need of a superstructure, which is compatible to the transformational agenda. If the society has to move forward, there should be a progressive state which operates with dynamic political processes. Obviously, pluralism with a difference (please see my article "Pluralism with Difference" for definition and characteristics in www.neupaneg.com) provides the synergistic environment to all political parties, social and economic forces and mass organizations to function as centers of excellence. Also, it makes them accountable as the people could judge them continuously. The important factors are the orientation of the state power and the choice of a mechanism by which the power is exercised. When the interest of the common people, their values and visions occupy primacy, rest will fall accordingly. It is important to institutionalize those primacies in the form of constitutional provisions, and for this purpose there is the need of a duly elected constituent assembly. When there are such provisions in the constitution drafted and adopted by the constituent assembly, the armed forces and the bureaucracy need overhaul. A surgical process can insert the new state values within a new operational framework. The amalgamation of two armies into one could provide the opportunity for such surgical process. To create such opportunities, many individuals, groups, parties and forces fought resolutely. Certainly, the Maoists are one among the major players. Therefore, it is normal and natural to appreciate the Maoists for their value adding contributions in this historic process.
Validation of Conclusion
The consensus that has built around the constituent assembly could be the new departure point in the endeavor for building a new nation, a new Nepal. But, if this process gets obstructed, the course may turn again into a violent one. We should not forget this probability only because of the euphoria of optimism. Being impulsive is good, but keeping the head cool is better.
Background
My article "Spring Thunder in Nepal: Glorious but Inconclusive" was posted on "United We Blog" (http://www.blog.com.np/). This is just a rejoinder, which had been written as a response to the issues raised by the fellow bloggers. The issues prominently raised included Khas domination, land issue, Maoist movement and my conclusion in the article. The rejoinder was posted on http://www.blog.com.np/ and had also got tremendous response.
Khas domination:
In Nepal, there are five nationalities - Madheshi (31.53%), Khas (30.89%), MangolKirat (23.05%), Dalit (7.87%) and Newar (5.48%). Besides, there are some small unclassified groups (1.19%). The Khas has four sub-groups. They are Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sanyasi. The Khas-Hindu rulers used the caste system, cultural invasion and Hindu administrative as well as legal system as the basis for suppressing the cultures of other nationalities. The process of Khas domination had started long ago and the state provided the leadership. Therefore, the role of the state in creating favorable environment for Khas domination and centralization of available resources, opportunities and power around them is the primary reason for all sorts of inequalities among nationalities. In 2005, Khasas having a population of 30.89% had been occupying 59.18% of the powerful leadership positions in four major areas - state, political parties, private sector and civil society. (For details, please see my book "Nepalko jatiya Prashna: Samajik Banot ra Sajhedariko Sambhavana", Second Edition - 2005, Center for Development Studies - Nepal, Kathmandu. The first edition of the book is available in the internet in English. The title of the book is "The Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism". For the book, please visit my website: www.neupaneg.com). In reality, if we wish to build an egalitarian, civilized and prosperous Nepal, we should end the Khas domination in every aspect of national life.
Land Issue:
There are four issues involved - ownership, communal relations (i.e., nationalities' ownership pattern, such as who controls the former Kipat land in Limbuan), value of land as per its location and productivity. In Nepal, land brings prestige, provides insurance cover and ensures livelihood for a large majority of people. Therefore, one has to appreciate the role that land plays. Moreover, it is the most important means of production. Also, the land has contributed to class conflicts, court cases and corruption opportunities for the bureaucrats including in the legal system who are called judges. Therefore, resolution of the land issue has been critical and central. The issue is not that everybody has to share poverty, rather everybody should have equitable share on prosperity. Therefore, the traditional land reform alone may not solve the problem, though it is true that there is the need of redistribution of land particularly based on "land to the tiller". Hence, one has to be creative, innovative and willing to accept the mechanism of collective problem solving. Cooperative farming particularly horticulture in commercial scales in the hill areas by bringing land and labor inputs together as shares could be one among such initiatives. In some areas, reverting to communal ownership as an upgraded Kipat system may help. In fact, the most important issues are to ensure equity, justice and prosperity. Let's collectively continue to search for better and better options to resolve the issues related to land, which is one of the most important productive resources in Nepal.
Maoist Movement:
After the historic people's movement of 1990, the expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. After the movement, one or the other party formed the government. Unfortunately, they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high. In the mean time the Maoists took arms. The politico-economic and social agenda have centered on the armed confrontations, battles and war since 1996. Since then, the society has been passing through a difficult phase of transition. In fact, feudalism has been fast disappearing in the villages. The towns and cities also are passing through socio-political change, speedily. The awakening among the oppressed nationalities has been unprecedented. And, hope has been generated among the people. The "Spring Thunder of April 2006" has opened up the opportunities to realize the dream of a new Nepal. Now, the Nepalese state and people could address the issues of fundamental societal transformation. Therefore, there is the need of a superstructure, which is compatible to the transformational agenda. If the society has to move forward, there should be a progressive state which operates with dynamic political processes. Obviously, pluralism with a difference (please see my article "Pluralism with Difference" for definition and characteristics in www.neupaneg.com) provides the synergistic environment to all political parties, social and economic forces and mass organizations to function as centers of excellence. Also, it makes them accountable as the people could judge them continuously. The important factors are the orientation of the state power and the choice of a mechanism by which the power is exercised. When the interest of the common people, their values and visions occupy primacy, rest will fall accordingly. It is important to institutionalize those primacies in the form of constitutional provisions, and for this purpose there is the need of a duly elected constituent assembly. When there are such provisions in the constitution drafted and adopted by the constituent assembly, the armed forces and the bureaucracy need overhaul. A surgical process can insert the new state values within a new operational framework. The amalgamation of two armies into one could provide the opportunity for such surgical process. To create such opportunities, many individuals, groups, parties and forces fought resolutely. Certainly, the Maoists are one among the major players. Therefore, it is normal and natural to appreciate the Maoists for their value adding contributions in this historic process.
Validation of Conclusion
The consensus that has built around the constituent assembly could be the new departure point in the endeavor for building a new nation, a new Nepal. But, if this process gets obstructed, the course may turn again into a violent one. We should not forget this probability only because of the euphoria of optimism. Being impulsive is good, but keeping the head cool is better.
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