Govinda Neupane
(The following text is part of my reply to a friend's email. The personal references are taken out. I had sent the reply on 12 September 2010.)
More recently, collectively the Nepalese people have started feeling hopeless. The leaders, as individuals and collectives, failed to generate hope among the people. This all happened, I think, not as an accident. This sounds designed by someone skilled, interested and powerful. In our case, they are the external powers - easterners and westerners. I believe that the design was conceived around their need of disarming the Nepali Maoists so as to prevent the resurgence and spread of communism. The immidiate objective was to effectively prevent the Maoists taking over power in Nepal until they become same as the Communist Party of Nepal- UML (the center-left liberal parliamentary party that still carries the word "Communist" in its name). Aware or unaware of such design, the leaders (including the "overtly anti-India but covertly nobody knows type" Unified Maoists) sound just a part of the external powers' support mechanism in implementing their design.
In the distant past, the Ranas had resisted external designs somehow and to some extent. The Panchas followed the Rana's line. However, the parliamentary system of government, particularly, the one after 1990 movement followed pro-external power line, aggressively. Moreover, the mid-wife of the new political course, which started in 2006, as people believe and some external powers claim or agree with, is Delhi. Therefore, the external powers (not only India) remained most important, influential and dominating in today's political scenario. What we are seeing is just the dance of our leaders under the conductor's gestures. These conductors are in Washington, New York, Delhi, Beijing, London and Oslo. The roles of the ambassadors and their diktats reveal a ton.
Our socio-economic foundation is very weak and politico-educational attainment is in its infancy in regard to the formation of a critical mass. If the common men and women as the human products of such foundation behave in the same way as that of their base, it is understandable. But, when the leaders, who claim as the vanguards, behave in such fashion, it makes no sense. Hence, there is something seriously wrong in them. They may not be that bad as individuals but the environment made them subservient to its objective whole, and many among these leaders demean themselves to the lowest extent possible. As a result, even the infamous former king has started dreaming that he could revive his throne. This is a day-dream, but the new messy environment provided ground for him. I agree with you that the major parties and their leaders are responsible for this mess.
I agree that we are passing through the most difficult phase in our nation's history. The independent decision making power as a sovereign state has been compromised. The Nepali state is in crisis. The hope generating side of the Maoist movement has been evaporating. And, frustration among a large majority of people has been running high. However, as a diehard optimist, I believe that there is light on the other side of the tunnel. These leaders could be thrown out. The parties of today may disappear. There could be the need of another difficult journey. New sets of leaders may emerge. New (or radically reoriented existing) political parties may come up. This is quite certain that there would be a day full of sun-shine. You and I may or may not see that shiny day. However, the energetic, enterprising and visionary youths of today or even small children of today will bring that day, will see that day and will celebrate the birth of a shinning Nepal. As Anton Chekhov (1860–-1904) has narrated in his famous short story, "Ward No 6", we should enjoy the imagination of that pleasant day though it may arrive in distant future. After that historic break, there would be the creation of tranquility, peace and prosperity. Our motherland will be pervaded by the lovely yellowish light of the baby sun. I salute in advance to those politically, economically, socially, intellectually and culturally emancipated, enlightened and empowered citizens of that vibrant Nepal!
Thursday, September 23, 2010
Monday, September 06, 2010
Nepal in Crisis: Long Live Nepal!
Govinda Neupane
The political parties are repeating the same wrongful acts and activities as they did in 1950s and 1990s. They were after power and now they are again after power. They ignored people's problems and prospects completely in the past when they were at the helm of affairs; they are doing the same today. Being a participant of the parliamentary political system, the Unified Maoist party has been claiming itself as a revolutionary force. This role was played by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) in 1990s. Lack of alignment between the form and content is what the Unified Maoist party is sick of. Similarly, the CPN (UML) is a party that represents the interests of middle class people. Still, it declares that it is the party of proletariats. The Nepali Congress, at best, is a centre-right party, but it proudly declares that it is socialist. Hence, all three parties have been suffering from ideological illusion. Their philosophical lenses are no more working. However, they pretend that their lenses are all right. Hence, the major Nepali political parties are in crisis in regard to their approaches as their practices are totally detached from the ideology they love to talk about. The other smaller parties are in the same condition or if some of them are okay, still their roles may not have much impact in the larger political amphitheater of the nation.
All the main leaders want to grab the high office of the Prime Minister. There is total irresponsibility on their part. Two of the leaders representing two major parties are contesting an election which has failed to produce result for six times in a row. The third largest party knows nothing other than hatching political conspiracies to get the highest seat of the state power. This time 'consensus' is their mantra to cover their ill intensions. They want to sit at the driver's seat whatever way it is available. The Madhesi parties, notorious for their splits and doubtful practices, are at the bidding place and the bidders are bidding for their votes. Therefore, the political circus, which is one of the worst in the history of Nepal, has been continuing. The end result of the collective political behavior of the political actors has been confined to petty interests of the political lead-actors/villains or their parties. Similar to their ideological chit-chats, the nation and the people are simply means to attain power and prosperity for them.
The social forces also are overly reactive. They are just reacting to both issues and non issues. Coming to street has become the order of the day. There are several "forced closures" of market, transport, industries and educational institutions as and when a small section wishes so. Stone throwing crowd could be seen all over Nepal. Bewildered with all sets of chaos and anarchies, the indigenous people in some areas have started to demand greater role including a nominally federated state system. The demand of Limbuvan autonomous state is an example.
The law and order situation has been deteriorating continuously. People are feeling insecure as anytime criminals could strike. Their lives and properties are in danger of all sorts of harm. The criminals have a field day. The crime graphs including the daring cases of rubbery, abduction and killings are increasing many folds. Particularly, the central Madhes is seeing such events most regularly. The people in Madhes are the worst affected lot. A Tim, Dick or Harry comes with a gun, loots a few, kills a few and disappears. They are living in a disparate situation where the forces of the state have become onlookers. The parties and the leaders, who claim to represent Madhes and Madhesi people, are busy making their fortune in Kathmandu. Moreover, the people all over Nepal have become virtually powerless and they have become pessimists. There is the other side of the coin. Therefore, there are high chances that the patience of people disappears and a situation of total anarchy pervades the country.
The youths all over Nepal got an escape route in the form of foreign employment. Skilled or unskilled, rural or urban, male or female and healthy or not so much aspire for going out, particularly in Gulf countries, Malaysia, South Korea , Japan, USA, UK and Australia. This large scale migration of labor has been helping the national economy breathing as remittance income is 22% of annual GDP of Nepal. However, in the absence of youths and their vigor, vision and spirit, the societal as well as political changes have suffered.
The gap between the rich and poor has been widening. The recent Oxford report says that there is a large majority of people under poverty line (Multidimensional Poverty Index Poor 64.7%). The national wealth is mostly under the control of a few super rich families. The economic contradiction has been fierce. The strikes in industries, though ignited by political aspirants have reflected the workers' desire for a better life.
At macroeconomic level, the situation is fast approaching to full-fledged characteristics of a failed state. The legislature is unable to pass the annual budget as there is constant fight among the major political parties in the parliament. The Balance of Payment is quite negative. The foreign currency reserve has been decreasing. Trade deficit is alarmingly high. The growth rate of economy is nominal. Nobody knows exactly what the rate of unemployment/underemployment is. No new macro development projects, which could add wealth to national economy and provide infrastructural foundation, were implemented during the last several years. Prices of essential commodities are skyrocketing. Corruption, nepotism, favoritism, malpractices and black-marketing have become regular features.
On the nationalism front, Nepal has been in the weakest position after the war against the British colonizer (1814-1816). This fact also has been rightly pointed out by Pashupati Sumsher Rana and Baburam Bhattarai in their television appearances. They were unanimous comparing today's situation with that of aforementioned period. When Nepalese are so much divided, it is only natural that the foreign powers start meddling. Not only big countries like USA or big neighbors like India or China, but also small European countries like Norway try to diktat. The resources they provide and their nationals who are international professionals and hold high offices in Nepal are the instruments of their meddling. Together, India, European Union, USA and United Nations are over stepping on Nepali sovereign rights in an unprecedented manner. These over stepping, meddling and interferences have contributed immensely to make Nepal a strong candidate for failed state. Now, survival as a nation and as a people has become the first and foremost concern for us.
The situation is too gloomy. The nation is too fragile. The people are too weak. This mess is what the 'big' political leaders and their party apparatus have created. Their lust for power, money and luxury is the main cause of this sorry state. The problem is that we do not have any strong and organized progressive political force to snatch the initiative and start doing something to generate synergy for a rapid political change. Hence, Nepal is virtually at the stage of either power take-over by the regressive forces or fragmentation of its territory to deferent nationality/ethnic units or losing its sovereign national status. Alternatively, the process could be reversed if nationalists (do not equate to royalist), leftists and democrats within all major parties rebel against their Headquarters. If the rebels could take control of their parties or form separate parties and create a united front with other like minded parties, they could keep Nepal united. This endeavor offers hope to people, creates positive environment to reverse the fate of being failed state and opens up new horizon to move forward.
Now in Nepal, there is possibility of two types of coup d'états. The first is regressive coup d'état, which could be staged by the army. The other is progressive coup d'état, which could be staged by nationalist progressive democrats, who are functioning as second layer leaders or cadres within the major parties. They could stage the political and organizational coup d'état against their own party Headquarters. If this happens, people could see the ray of hope. The third option is disintegration of Nepal into several smaller nationality/ethnic units. If this option gets acceleration, there would be bloodshed of unprecedented nature and scale. The solution is not several smaller nationality/ethnic units, but a nationality/ethnicity based cooperative federal system. The fourth option is Nepal being a protectorate either ruled by western powers through a United Nations mechanism or directly by India. Hence, the situation is grave.
We have not many choices available. Therefore, all who love Nepal should be alert, active and organized to challenge the Bhasmashurs (the notorious destroyers). Defeating or sidelining them, at least, makes space available to initiate the process of societal transformation and national renewal. Therefore, all patriotic, progressive and democratic Nepali political and social activists should contribute most meaningfully to make sure that our beloved motherland overcomes weaknesses, acquires strengths and starts shining. Strategically, only "people power" movements could realize this goal. The "People power" movements could include but not limited to mass information initiatives, political awareness campaigns, cultural programs, diplomatic lobbying, literary works, pro-Nepal internet information endeavors/campaign/networking, dissemination of well-researched facts/truths and direct actions including demonstrations. Let us create the sound of thousands of Vuvuzela aiming to energize the grassroots and encourage the pro-people, pro-Nepal activists. A person or a group or a mass of large number of people, individually or collectively, could contribute in these "People Power" movements. Hence, wherever we are, this is our duty to organize or participate in these movements and contribute positively whichever way we could. Long Live Nepal!
September 05, 2010
The political parties are repeating the same wrongful acts and activities as they did in 1950s and 1990s. They were after power and now they are again after power. They ignored people's problems and prospects completely in the past when they were at the helm of affairs; they are doing the same today. Being a participant of the parliamentary political system, the Unified Maoist party has been claiming itself as a revolutionary force. This role was played by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) in 1990s. Lack of alignment between the form and content is what the Unified Maoist party is sick of. Similarly, the CPN (UML) is a party that represents the interests of middle class people. Still, it declares that it is the party of proletariats. The Nepali Congress, at best, is a centre-right party, but it proudly declares that it is socialist. Hence, all three parties have been suffering from ideological illusion. Their philosophical lenses are no more working. However, they pretend that their lenses are all right. Hence, the major Nepali political parties are in crisis in regard to their approaches as their practices are totally detached from the ideology they love to talk about. The other smaller parties are in the same condition or if some of them are okay, still their roles may not have much impact in the larger political amphitheater of the nation.
All the main leaders want to grab the high office of the Prime Minister. There is total irresponsibility on their part. Two of the leaders representing two major parties are contesting an election which has failed to produce result for six times in a row. The third largest party knows nothing other than hatching political conspiracies to get the highest seat of the state power. This time 'consensus' is their mantra to cover their ill intensions. They want to sit at the driver's seat whatever way it is available. The Madhesi parties, notorious for their splits and doubtful practices, are at the bidding place and the bidders are bidding for their votes. Therefore, the political circus, which is one of the worst in the history of Nepal, has been continuing. The end result of the collective political behavior of the political actors has been confined to petty interests of the political lead-actors/villains or their parties. Similar to their ideological chit-chats, the nation and the people are simply means to attain power and prosperity for them.
The social forces also are overly reactive. They are just reacting to both issues and non issues. Coming to street has become the order of the day. There are several "forced closures" of market, transport, industries and educational institutions as and when a small section wishes so. Stone throwing crowd could be seen all over Nepal. Bewildered with all sets of chaos and anarchies, the indigenous people in some areas have started to demand greater role including a nominally federated state system. The demand of Limbuvan autonomous state is an example.
The law and order situation has been deteriorating continuously. People are feeling insecure as anytime criminals could strike. Their lives and properties are in danger of all sorts of harm. The criminals have a field day. The crime graphs including the daring cases of rubbery, abduction and killings are increasing many folds. Particularly, the central Madhes is seeing such events most regularly. The people in Madhes are the worst affected lot. A Tim, Dick or Harry comes with a gun, loots a few, kills a few and disappears. They are living in a disparate situation where the forces of the state have become onlookers. The parties and the leaders, who claim to represent Madhes and Madhesi people, are busy making their fortune in Kathmandu. Moreover, the people all over Nepal have become virtually powerless and they have become pessimists. There is the other side of the coin. Therefore, there are high chances that the patience of people disappears and a situation of total anarchy pervades the country.
The youths all over Nepal got an escape route in the form of foreign employment. Skilled or unskilled, rural or urban, male or female and healthy or not so much aspire for going out, particularly in Gulf countries, Malaysia, South Korea , Japan, USA, UK and Australia. This large scale migration of labor has been helping the national economy breathing as remittance income is 22% of annual GDP of Nepal. However, in the absence of youths and their vigor, vision and spirit, the societal as well as political changes have suffered.
The gap between the rich and poor has been widening. The recent Oxford report says that there is a large majority of people under poverty line (Multidimensional Poverty Index Poor 64.7%). The national wealth is mostly under the control of a few super rich families. The economic contradiction has been fierce. The strikes in industries, though ignited by political aspirants have reflected the workers' desire for a better life.
At macroeconomic level, the situation is fast approaching to full-fledged characteristics of a failed state. The legislature is unable to pass the annual budget as there is constant fight among the major political parties in the parliament. The Balance of Payment is quite negative. The foreign currency reserve has been decreasing. Trade deficit is alarmingly high. The growth rate of economy is nominal. Nobody knows exactly what the rate of unemployment/underemployment is. No new macro development projects, which could add wealth to national economy and provide infrastructural foundation, were implemented during the last several years. Prices of essential commodities are skyrocketing. Corruption, nepotism, favoritism, malpractices and black-marketing have become regular features.
On the nationalism front, Nepal has been in the weakest position after the war against the British colonizer (1814-1816). This fact also has been rightly pointed out by Pashupati Sumsher Rana and Baburam Bhattarai in their television appearances. They were unanimous comparing today's situation with that of aforementioned period. When Nepalese are so much divided, it is only natural that the foreign powers start meddling. Not only big countries like USA or big neighbors like India or China, but also small European countries like Norway try to diktat. The resources they provide and their nationals who are international professionals and hold high offices in Nepal are the instruments of their meddling. Together, India, European Union, USA and United Nations are over stepping on Nepali sovereign rights in an unprecedented manner. These over stepping, meddling and interferences have contributed immensely to make Nepal a strong candidate for failed state. Now, survival as a nation and as a people has become the first and foremost concern for us.
The situation is too gloomy. The nation is too fragile. The people are too weak. This mess is what the 'big' political leaders and their party apparatus have created. Their lust for power, money and luxury is the main cause of this sorry state. The problem is that we do not have any strong and organized progressive political force to snatch the initiative and start doing something to generate synergy for a rapid political change. Hence, Nepal is virtually at the stage of either power take-over by the regressive forces or fragmentation of its territory to deferent nationality/ethnic units or losing its sovereign national status. Alternatively, the process could be reversed if nationalists (do not equate to royalist), leftists and democrats within all major parties rebel against their Headquarters. If the rebels could take control of their parties or form separate parties and create a united front with other like minded parties, they could keep Nepal united. This endeavor offers hope to people, creates positive environment to reverse the fate of being failed state and opens up new horizon to move forward.
Now in Nepal, there is possibility of two types of coup d'états. The first is regressive coup d'état, which could be staged by the army. The other is progressive coup d'état, which could be staged by nationalist progressive democrats, who are functioning as second layer leaders or cadres within the major parties. They could stage the political and organizational coup d'état against their own party Headquarters. If this happens, people could see the ray of hope. The third option is disintegration of Nepal into several smaller nationality/ethnic units. If this option gets acceleration, there would be bloodshed of unprecedented nature and scale. The solution is not several smaller nationality/ethnic units, but a nationality/ethnicity based cooperative federal system. The fourth option is Nepal being a protectorate either ruled by western powers through a United Nations mechanism or directly by India. Hence, the situation is grave.
We have not many choices available. Therefore, all who love Nepal should be alert, active and organized to challenge the Bhasmashurs (the notorious destroyers). Defeating or sidelining them, at least, makes space available to initiate the process of societal transformation and national renewal. Therefore, all patriotic, progressive and democratic Nepali political and social activists should contribute most meaningfully to make sure that our beloved motherland overcomes weaknesses, acquires strengths and starts shining. Strategically, only "people power" movements could realize this goal. The "People power" movements could include but not limited to mass information initiatives, political awareness campaigns, cultural programs, diplomatic lobbying, literary works, pro-Nepal internet information endeavors/campaign/networking, dissemination of well-researched facts/truths and direct actions including demonstrations. Let us create the sound of thousands of Vuvuzela aiming to energize the grassroots and encourage the pro-people, pro-Nepal activists. A person or a group or a mass of large number of people, individually or collectively, could contribute in these "People Power" movements. Hence, wherever we are, this is our duty to organize or participate in these movements and contribute positively whichever way we could. Long Live Nepal!
September 05, 2010
Tuesday, May 11, 2010
Hindsight on the Unified Maoists' "Indefinite" General Strike
- Govinda Neupane
1. Kathmandu was over flooded with red flags on May Day. The procession was one of the largest processions that Nepal ever had seen. The busses, trucks, vans, etc ferried people from neighboring districts. The number of people coming from outside valley was estimated around 150,000. The lowest estimate of the number of participants in the mass meeting, as usual, was that of the Valley Police and the highest was that of the organizers, the Unified Maoists. The police estimated their number around 200,000 and the Unified Maoists said their number was more than 600,000. Anyway, their number was quite large. The crowd was jubilant. They were adding energy by singing and dancing. Among the participants, the Young Communist League (YCL) volunteers were the most visible lot. The participants included a large number of women and teenagers. In brief, the participants of the procession were joyous, enthusiastic and energetic and the procession was colorful and exciting. The same scenes were replicated in several urban centers all over Nepal. The Unified Maoist leaders made politico-sentimental speeches that enhanced jubilation, inserted heroism and replanted 'do or die' attitude. In the same venue, they declared nationwide indefinite general strike from 2nd May. The key demands included overthrowing the incumbent coalition government and establishing a new national consensus government so as to ensure stable peace and constitution writing. The party quite frankly said, "You must come to Kathmandu with shroud cloth wrapped around your heads and flour in your bags. It will be our last battle. If we succeed, we survive; else it will be the end of our party." (Unified Maoist General Secretary Badal in www.southasiarev.wordpress.com.) Thus, a "third people's movement" was unfolded.
2. The "third people's movement" was not spontaneous, it was planned meticulously. The Unified Maoist leaders were busy preparing the foundation publicly by communicating massages about "people's revolt", "overthrowing puppet government", "salvaging the peace process", "ensuring pro-people constitution writing" and "formation of the national consensus government under the Unified Maoist leadership", etc. Internally, the party and its sister organizations assessed their strengths and prepared plans to enroll their cadres and sympathizers to take them to urban centers. Similarly, to adopt Gandhian protest technology, which centers on nonviolence, they motivated the prospective volunteers and participants in 'peaceful' protest techniques and behaviors. Prior to the agitation, they also provided refresher trainings on martial arts and armed self-defense techniques to volunteers. The open demonstrations of such exercises in several parts of the cities and towns indirectly created fear among the neutral city dwellers. This made them subdued in expressing their opposition during the initial days of protest. Probably, the open demonstrations were organized keeping this as one of the objectives. The timing of the protest was quite appropriately chosen as it was dry season, the Constituent Assembly was in a stage of coma, the government was highly unpopular, frustration was at its climax among the people, the Nepali Congress was nearly headless, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) was at the verge of division due to bitter internal quarrels and the United Nations Mission in Nepal(UNMIN) and the Nepal office of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) were overtly favoring the Unified Maoists. Hence, the timing was excellent. The occasion of the May Day to declare the protest movement and implementation of the same, from the very next day was quite appropriate.
3. The Unified Maoist leaders are skilled in unfurling surprises. They have a large store of several types of surprises, and this time it was their love to nonviolence. They proudly declared the borderline of ethics for the protesters and that was no act of violence. During the initial three days, the protestors adhered to this behavioral arrangement, though it was new to the Maoist cadres and sympathizers. The leaders were busy selling this surprise. They were repeatedly mentioning that their protest remained peaceful - no tire burning, no stone throwing, no fight etc. They did not break any iron bars erected for partitioning footpath and road, nor did they smash the window glasses of the government and private buildings except a few. They did burn or destroy a few two-wheelers and four-wheelers. They also did not vandalize that many shops. The agitation of this size could have devastating effects, if judged by previous events and experiences. Interestingly, the participants were singing and dancing as if the protest was a festival and they were happily celebrating it.
4. The people from the rural areas were taken to unfamiliar places. They had to stay in strange arrangements, something like staying in a barrack system. They had to survive in an unhygienic street/city environment. Moreover, they did not see anything that is directly relevant to their lives. The strike was neither a general popular movement nor any extraordinary initiative that could be called revolt. Hence, bewilderment among the participants was quite normal. They did not get meaningful support from the local people. Most probably, the Unified Maoist leadership overestimated their strength in the urban areas particularly in the Kathmandu valley. Contrary to their expectation, the neutral local people, by and large, see the protest movement as another invasion after what Prithvinarayan Shah did two hundred forty two years ago. Already, the donation drive had antagonized many middle class people. Many among the neutral people in Kathmandu were suspicious in the beginning, started to feel fear after two-three days and perceived as some sort of threat to their very survival after fourth day. The same happened to others cities. When the forced closure prolonged, it affected the working class people. They became the primary victims. In this opportune moment, the Hindu ultras attacked and vandalized agitators' base in Birgunj. Also, local people clashed against them in Satungal in Kathmandu and other places including Budhanilakantha, Kapan, Jorpati, Patan, etc. There were serious confrontations in Dhankuta, Parbat, Pokhara, Rajbiraj and other places. The militant YCL cadres saw several acts of disobedience from many sections including from their own supporters. The situation got worse after the beating of construction wage workers in Pokhara and beating of a woman at Ratnapark in suspicion of adding pesticide in drinking water. These beatings revealed intolerance on the part of YCL. Intolerance gave opportunity to their opponents to demonize them and it clicked to some extent. The neutral mass started to polarize against them, particularly after the YCL cadres confronted against the prospective participants of the Basantapur mass meeting and their peace rally. Moreover, the Unified Maoist leadership underestimated the ability of the government to resist. It sounded that the leadership had an agitation wish, "We will put a few hundred thousands people on the street. The people will sing and dance. Under the pressure of singing and dancing, the puppet government will run to Delhi vacating the seat of power in Kathmandu. Chairman Prachanda or some other comrade will jump to the prime ministerial chair. The movement will succeed and the people will go home back thrilled with joy".
Moreover, during the initial days of the strike, there was absence of consistent position in regard to talks and protest. This inconsistency created lots of confusion. Similarly, the leadership did not foresee the possibility of infiltration by vigilantes and could not stop them from infiltration. Baring a few beatings, the vigilantes succeeded in carrying out their tasks. Also, the leadership failed to mobilize support of independent progressive individuals and groups.
Finally the leadership woke up and called the strike off. As the direct result of this tactical defeat, the political brand value of the Unified Maoist decreased, substantially. They are seen now not as a roaring lion that had been in its natural habitat, but as one domesticated. Their writ may not run as in the past as their strength got exposed. The Unified Maoist leadership has been seen visibly tired. The cadres, particularly the youth are angry. The party lost a large sympathizer base, particularly in urban centers. The talk of the town is that the Unified Maoist is not invincible. This perception has challenged the psyche of the previously unchallengeable Unified Maoist youth cadres. Now, there is a danger that the Maoist youth cadres will go back to their home bases in the rural areas and may act against local Congress and UML cadres. It should not be surprising if several Congress and UML cadres will run out of their villages or they will retaliate. Hence, the after-effects may give rise to more acts of violent confrontation.
5. Even after its tactical defeat, the Unified Maoist is still the largest cadre based party that could mobilize largest number of masses. They are down but not out. They have tested bitter pills. May be, that would cure some of their illnesses - over nurturing of personal ambitions, tall talking, fantasies and romanticism. Who knows, they may fight back as a wounded lion. In any case, this tactical defeat may not take them to oblivion. But, this defeat may crystallize the differences inside the Unified Maoists. There are already two platforms. The socialist platform could overtly UMLise itself and the Maoist revolutionary platform could reemerge as a vanguard, once again. Alternatively, the socialists' and Maoists' cohabitation within the Unified Maoist party will continue but with intensified two-line struggle in ideological and political fronts.
May 10, 2010
1. Kathmandu was over flooded with red flags on May Day. The procession was one of the largest processions that Nepal ever had seen. The busses, trucks, vans, etc ferried people from neighboring districts. The number of people coming from outside valley was estimated around 150,000. The lowest estimate of the number of participants in the mass meeting, as usual, was that of the Valley Police and the highest was that of the organizers, the Unified Maoists. The police estimated their number around 200,000 and the Unified Maoists said their number was more than 600,000. Anyway, their number was quite large. The crowd was jubilant. They were adding energy by singing and dancing. Among the participants, the Young Communist League (YCL) volunteers were the most visible lot. The participants included a large number of women and teenagers. In brief, the participants of the procession were joyous, enthusiastic and energetic and the procession was colorful and exciting. The same scenes were replicated in several urban centers all over Nepal. The Unified Maoist leaders made politico-sentimental speeches that enhanced jubilation, inserted heroism and replanted 'do or die' attitude. In the same venue, they declared nationwide indefinite general strike from 2nd May. The key demands included overthrowing the incumbent coalition government and establishing a new national consensus government so as to ensure stable peace and constitution writing. The party quite frankly said, "You must come to Kathmandu with shroud cloth wrapped around your heads and flour in your bags. It will be our last battle. If we succeed, we survive; else it will be the end of our party." (Unified Maoist General Secretary Badal in www.southasiarev.wordpress.com.) Thus, a "third people's movement" was unfolded.
2. The "third people's movement" was not spontaneous, it was planned meticulously. The Unified Maoist leaders were busy preparing the foundation publicly by communicating massages about "people's revolt", "overthrowing puppet government", "salvaging the peace process", "ensuring pro-people constitution writing" and "formation of the national consensus government under the Unified Maoist leadership", etc. Internally, the party and its sister organizations assessed their strengths and prepared plans to enroll their cadres and sympathizers to take them to urban centers. Similarly, to adopt Gandhian protest technology, which centers on nonviolence, they motivated the prospective volunteers and participants in 'peaceful' protest techniques and behaviors. Prior to the agitation, they also provided refresher trainings on martial arts and armed self-defense techniques to volunteers. The open demonstrations of such exercises in several parts of the cities and towns indirectly created fear among the neutral city dwellers. This made them subdued in expressing their opposition during the initial days of protest. Probably, the open demonstrations were organized keeping this as one of the objectives. The timing of the protest was quite appropriately chosen as it was dry season, the Constituent Assembly was in a stage of coma, the government was highly unpopular, frustration was at its climax among the people, the Nepali Congress was nearly headless, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) was at the verge of division due to bitter internal quarrels and the United Nations Mission in Nepal(UNMIN) and the Nepal office of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) were overtly favoring the Unified Maoists. Hence, the timing was excellent. The occasion of the May Day to declare the protest movement and implementation of the same, from the very next day was quite appropriate.
3. The Unified Maoist leaders are skilled in unfurling surprises. They have a large store of several types of surprises, and this time it was their love to nonviolence. They proudly declared the borderline of ethics for the protesters and that was no act of violence. During the initial three days, the protestors adhered to this behavioral arrangement, though it was new to the Maoist cadres and sympathizers. The leaders were busy selling this surprise. They were repeatedly mentioning that their protest remained peaceful - no tire burning, no stone throwing, no fight etc. They did not break any iron bars erected for partitioning footpath and road, nor did they smash the window glasses of the government and private buildings except a few. They did burn or destroy a few two-wheelers and four-wheelers. They also did not vandalize that many shops. The agitation of this size could have devastating effects, if judged by previous events and experiences. Interestingly, the participants were singing and dancing as if the protest was a festival and they were happily celebrating it.
4. The people from the rural areas were taken to unfamiliar places. They had to stay in strange arrangements, something like staying in a barrack system. They had to survive in an unhygienic street/city environment. Moreover, they did not see anything that is directly relevant to their lives. The strike was neither a general popular movement nor any extraordinary initiative that could be called revolt. Hence, bewilderment among the participants was quite normal. They did not get meaningful support from the local people. Most probably, the Unified Maoist leadership overestimated their strength in the urban areas particularly in the Kathmandu valley. Contrary to their expectation, the neutral local people, by and large, see the protest movement as another invasion after what Prithvinarayan Shah did two hundred forty two years ago. Already, the donation drive had antagonized many middle class people. Many among the neutral people in Kathmandu were suspicious in the beginning, started to feel fear after two-three days and perceived as some sort of threat to their very survival after fourth day. The same happened to others cities. When the forced closure prolonged, it affected the working class people. They became the primary victims. In this opportune moment, the Hindu ultras attacked and vandalized agitators' base in Birgunj. Also, local people clashed against them in Satungal in Kathmandu and other places including Budhanilakantha, Kapan, Jorpati, Patan, etc. There were serious confrontations in Dhankuta, Parbat, Pokhara, Rajbiraj and other places. The militant YCL cadres saw several acts of disobedience from many sections including from their own supporters. The situation got worse after the beating of construction wage workers in Pokhara and beating of a woman at Ratnapark in suspicion of adding pesticide in drinking water. These beatings revealed intolerance on the part of YCL. Intolerance gave opportunity to their opponents to demonize them and it clicked to some extent. The neutral mass started to polarize against them, particularly after the YCL cadres confronted against the prospective participants of the Basantapur mass meeting and their peace rally. Moreover, the Unified Maoist leadership underestimated the ability of the government to resist. It sounded that the leadership had an agitation wish, "We will put a few hundred thousands people on the street. The people will sing and dance. Under the pressure of singing and dancing, the puppet government will run to Delhi vacating the seat of power in Kathmandu. Chairman Prachanda or some other comrade will jump to the prime ministerial chair. The movement will succeed and the people will go home back thrilled with joy".
Moreover, during the initial days of the strike, there was absence of consistent position in regard to talks and protest. This inconsistency created lots of confusion. Similarly, the leadership did not foresee the possibility of infiltration by vigilantes and could not stop them from infiltration. Baring a few beatings, the vigilantes succeeded in carrying out their tasks. Also, the leadership failed to mobilize support of independent progressive individuals and groups.
Finally the leadership woke up and called the strike off. As the direct result of this tactical defeat, the political brand value of the Unified Maoist decreased, substantially. They are seen now not as a roaring lion that had been in its natural habitat, but as one domesticated. Their writ may not run as in the past as their strength got exposed. The Unified Maoist leadership has been seen visibly tired. The cadres, particularly the youth are angry. The party lost a large sympathizer base, particularly in urban centers. The talk of the town is that the Unified Maoist is not invincible. This perception has challenged the psyche of the previously unchallengeable Unified Maoist youth cadres. Now, there is a danger that the Maoist youth cadres will go back to their home bases in the rural areas and may act against local Congress and UML cadres. It should not be surprising if several Congress and UML cadres will run out of their villages or they will retaliate. Hence, the after-effects may give rise to more acts of violent confrontation.
5. Even after its tactical defeat, the Unified Maoist is still the largest cadre based party that could mobilize largest number of masses. They are down but not out. They have tested bitter pills. May be, that would cure some of their illnesses - over nurturing of personal ambitions, tall talking, fantasies and romanticism. Who knows, they may fight back as a wounded lion. In any case, this tactical defeat may not take them to oblivion. But, this defeat may crystallize the differences inside the Unified Maoists. There are already two platforms. The socialist platform could overtly UMLise itself and the Maoist revolutionary platform could reemerge as a vanguard, once again. Alternatively, the socialists' and Maoists' cohabitation within the Unified Maoist party will continue but with intensified two-line struggle in ideological and political fronts.
May 10, 2010
Friday, April 09, 2010
Nepal: moving forward, slowly but surely
- Govinda Neupane
The New Nepal has become a different Nepal. This different Nepal is a republic. This republic pardoned former monarchs and their cronies, corrupt political leaders, wrong-doing bureaucrats and dreaded criminals. So, all of them are having a field day. The former monarch is roaming around dreaming that one fine morning he could reclaim over his previous throne. The shady leaders have been projecting themselves as the Messiah of New Nepal. They occupy all high positions existed legally. Even, they have arranged strange entities such as High Level Political Mechanism and have been parading everywhere showing luxurious political clout. The criminals have been pardoned as many of them all of the sudden converted themselves as cadres of ruling political parties. Many among them purchased their political affiliation by paying good price to the leaderships. So, day-dreaming, corruption and crimes have become the ruling ideology of the superstructure of New Nepal. Hence, full blown anarchy, ailing national economy, confrontational social relationships and all pervading black marketing and profit-pocketing by several layers and types of politico-business tycoons and their stooges have been hitting hard at the backbone of New Nepal. Similarly, the commoners in the new republican order are also experiencing the heat. Acknowledging this nonsense as the sad side of the story, in this essay, I will share my exploration on fundamental positive change that has been taking place at the grassroots and at national level in many areas.
The series of movements and strategic initiatives including the Arya Samaj movement, pro-democracy movements, Jhapa movement and decade-long Maoist people's war contributed significantly in the process of grassroots awakening. The same movements and initiatives also contributed to break several chains of exploitations and injustices, which had been preserving unjust socio-economic and political structures, order and hierarchies. A different grassroots of New Nepal has emerged as a result of many socio-political factors including the initiatives that created common community wealth and greater facilities. Similarly, at national level, the people and the nation have erected some important milestones. Hence, it would be relevant to talk about the contributing factors and their impact on the larger society, though briefly.
Silent social revolution
Without any hue and cry, people at local levels tried to insert new values, which, on the long run, replaced the value system that existed for centuries. A Brahmin boy got married to a Dalit girl and he was thrown away from the village. It was difficult to adjust with but they survived. This event was a clear break with the past. Slowly, such events were replicated all over Nepal. This new trend had major contribution in breaking the untouchability myth. Hundreds of undocumented events including the struggle of Dalits to get rid of untouchability and to get justice and equality created the platform. And, the state was forced to declare untouchability as crime. But, the forceful implementations of such arrangements were only possible when education offered new information and the paradigm of the people particularly that of youths shifted. Now, they have generally (though not fully yet) regained respect in the society after several centuries. Similarly, the oppressed nationalities have individually and collectively tried for several years to get recognition of their rights and equal place in the society. Now, they have attained a level from where realization of their goals is not far away. Several women including Yogmaya and Dibya Koirala either through religious reform movements or by spreading facilities to educate women took part in the emancipation process of women. These acts of silent revolutions contributed most meaningfully to provide the foundation to change the society. During the ten years of the Maoist people's war, the process was shortened as they revolutionized the thought processes and the behaviors of the masses. So, the village Nepal is quite different than the village Nepal of ten years back. The same is applicable at grassroots level in urban Nepal. Although, the grassroots is not egalitarian as such, neither it is free of social prejudices against Dalits, women and oppressed nationalities, but it is uniquely different. Now, no power could prevent it from saying "good bye" to untouchability, gender stereotypes and socio-political exclusion of oppressed nationalities. The forces of change have been proceeding forward and their march is fast and irreversible. This is really a New Nepal in making at the grassroots.
Chains of mass movements
The new political journey initiated by the idealist youths of Prachanda Gorkha (the very first political party in Nepal that survived just for some months) has created several milestones to reach the level that of today. Among the movements, the anti-Rana movement, pro-democracy movements (1947 onward), Jhapa movement and Maoist movement contributed more in the process of mass awakening, but the major role have been played by several small local level mass uprisings. Some of these uprisings had a class nature such as the very first industrial workers strike in Biratnagar Jute Mills (1947) and Gaur peasants struggle (1950). The same could be seen in social arena like oppressed nationalities' movement such as the Kirat rebellion in Majhkirat (1908) or that of Dalits such as the struggle launched to establish their right to enter inside Pashupatinath temple (1954) or that of student's Jayatu Sanskritam struggle (1947). These struggles erected several milestones in the process that played significant role in detaching the future from its past. They developed and disseminated a strong message that a new Nepal is in making. May be, several small local level uprisings did not last long, but they deeply impacted on the socio-political landscape of the area. The synergy generated through their impacts accelerated the process of substantial change in the larger society.
Emergence of the critical mass
Expansion of formal educational facilities, non-formal education activities, cooperative movements, community level project implementation mechanisms, user groups and several small scale participatory grassroots mechanisms had created the environment, where people started to question, tried to search for probable answers and more importantly moved away from subordinate frame of mind and became a part of valuable critical mass. The recognition of plurality of values, belief systems, social norms, community behaviors and social relationships opened the horizon for interactions, quantitative reformation and qualitative change. Hence, the society has been passing through several acts and activities of continuous renewal. Thus, it has provided opportunities to expand the critical mass and helping it to be more informed, reasonable, logical, confrontational and resolute.
New information highway and ever-expanding communication networks
Newspapers, radios including FM stations and television channels played one of the most important roles not only in disseminating information and building knowledge base in several areas but also they helped people to move out of the mindset primarily confined to feudal attitudinal frame. Gradually, they have been moving towards open attitudinal space. Now, they know how the affluent sections of their society live. Hence, they have the opportunity to compare between two types of livelihoods and lifestyles. This has exposed them to different type of reality. This exposure enabled them to set new life goals on one side and also it empowered them with information to direct their efforts to attain those goals by mixing confrontational and capability building approaches, simultaneously. The telephone network and other communication facilities are integrating societies more closely and hence, more united actions could be seen in several fronts that include but not limited to new initiatives, common interest actions, joint acts, issues/events based struggles etc. The means of information dissemination, knowledge building and attainment of relaxation/entertainment have offered more comfortable space and livable environment.
Expansion of facilities
Whether be it formal education institutions or health facility service centers or business enterprises or community level service delivery mechanisms; the number, size and capacity of such facilities have increased many folds. The airports, highways and road networks have connected places and people and provided infrastructural base for the feeling of oneness among people of several different regions. These transportation infrastructures have also expanded the market for products and services. Although, there is power cut for more than 12 hours daily during dry season, the fact is that Nepal produces more than 600 megawatts of electricity (2009). This is not enough, but the foundation is ready to move fast to generate more.
Emergence of new social contract at the grassroots
The annual labor contract system between the peasants and agriculture workers in the rural areas has gone through a sea change. The system of an agricultural worker attached to a certain peasant or a landlord is no more in practice in eastern and central Nepal and in western Nepal too such systems like Kamaiyas, Haliyas and Kahmlaris are disappearing fast. It may not continue for long. This is one major contribution of the left movement in Nepal. Similarly, the changes in tenancy system and providing rights to the tenants have freed them from evicting whenever the landowner wished so. Though, exploitation and unjust relationships are still prevalent in the society, the new system of social contract has been emerging very fast with a clear goal of establishing a just and egalitarian society. It may not radically transform the society just through evolutionary change, but it has been building foundation to realize the goal through revolutionary means.
Labor migration and remittance economy
Many youths from rural areas even from remote parts are daring to travel to the places they have not heard about. Neither they know the language nor they are familiar with the culture there nor do they be sure what type of job they will get and how much money they could earn. Even, they do not know to complete the embarkation/disembarkation forms. Still, they ventured particularly to Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea. Some of them have gone to Israel and Cyprus. A few could be found in Japan. And, many travel to several parts of India. Their number is not exactly known but that could be more than 2.5 million. They are sending money home and that is estimated around a trillion in Rupees every year. They did not only go out and send money, but also helped to take out excess workforce from agriculture creating fairly reduced supply of labor in that sector of economy. The demand and supply mechanism created some positive change in rural wage system. Now, the labor gets more. Though, it has increased the price of agricultural produces but it is only fair if the agriculture workers get more wages. This way, the rural folks are getting inward remittance regularly and their living standards are improving. The children of migrant workers are enrolled in schools, in some cases in better schools. Hence, rural livelihood mechanism has been changing and the national economy is getting breather in times of senseless anarchy.
Professionals and experts
The experts in certain fields and professionals in many areas could be found working in several parts of the globe. They are with United Nations and its system agencies, multilateral organization, international business enterprises, universities and research centers, aid agencies including international non-government organizations and expert services caterers such as famed fashion designers, mountaineering instructors etc. Outside the country, they are Nepal's goodwill ambassadors and when they come back home, they bring unmatched expertise. Even inside Nepal, we have some world class professionals. In this way, slowly but steadily, Nepal is moving forward.
Conclusion
It would be helpful to examine the objectiveness of the above analysis by comparing the deference using some indicators. Hence, a few basic indicators below could be quoted for this purpose.
a. Nepal during 1960-1970
Life Expectancy at birth (1960): 38 years
Adult Literacy Rate (1970): 13%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1960): 297
b. Nepal during 1980-1990
Life Expectancy at birth (1987): 52 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (1985): 26%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1988): 197
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 1987): US$ 720
HDI (1990): 0.273
http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_1990_en_indicators1.pdf
3. Nepal during 2000-2010
Life Expectancy at birth (2007): 66 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (2007): 56.5%
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 2007): US$ 1049
HDI (2007): 0.553
http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html
Human Development Index (HDI) has doubled in 2007 (0.553) compare to 1990 (0.273). Similarly, Adult literacy rate too has jumped more than four fold in 2007 (56.5%) compare to 1970 (13%). Life expectancy has gone steadily up from 38 years in 1960 to 52 years in 1987 to 66 years in 2007. Per Capita real GDP (PPP) also has increased from US$ 720 in 1987 to US$ 1049 in 2007. Although, it is not that much, still the over all trend is positive. Hence, despite Nepal being under despotic regimes or 'democratic' anarchies, the progress mentioned above is not small. Moreover, during the decade starting 1996, Nepal was in unprecedented turmoil and upheavals primarily caused by the Maoist-led people's war. Nepali economy and infrastructures had been on constant pressure that included damage of common wealth created already. Overcoming such difficulties and getting some good marks is an achievement for which Nepali people could feel proud.
Nepal has three limitations in regard to its way forward. First, Nepal has the governance problem. No mainstream political party commands the respect of people. Their politics of deception and their acts, which revolve around their petty interests, have injured the nation, dangerously. Second, in both areas, in creation of wealth, Nepal is not in optimal level and in distribution of created wealth justly, Nepal fares badly. Third, in comparison to nations, which were generally in the same situation in 1960, Nepal's pace of change and its overall development have lagged far behind. Therefore, Nepal is in great need of the politics of transformation, which has a blend of progressive ethics, values, characters, hopes, visions and commitment to cause. Also, Nepal very much needs political, social, economic and organizational instruments, which could lead Nepal in creation of wealth. This wealth could be meaningful skills, physical facilities, organizational infrastructure, intellectual capacity, technological capability or simply that could be production of enough goods and services. There should be appropriate mechanisms, polities and practices that ensure basic equality, equity and justice in distributing the wealth that has been or would be created. Nepal could catch up with the nations, which reached ahead of it today, if it could create synergetic effects of these two factors. Also, identifying correctly its strength base, setting priorities right and channeling entire national energies to drive the nation forward are equally important. Certainly, in this course of all inclusive transformation, the roadblocks should be cleared. A progressive, compassionate, just, shining and ever-renewing New Nepal could and should emerge, if initiatives, endeavors and enterprises prosper.
April 07, 2010
The New Nepal has become a different Nepal. This different Nepal is a republic. This republic pardoned former monarchs and their cronies, corrupt political leaders, wrong-doing bureaucrats and dreaded criminals. So, all of them are having a field day. The former monarch is roaming around dreaming that one fine morning he could reclaim over his previous throne. The shady leaders have been projecting themselves as the Messiah of New Nepal. They occupy all high positions existed legally. Even, they have arranged strange entities such as High Level Political Mechanism and have been parading everywhere showing luxurious political clout. The criminals have been pardoned as many of them all of the sudden converted themselves as cadres of ruling political parties. Many among them purchased their political affiliation by paying good price to the leaderships. So, day-dreaming, corruption and crimes have become the ruling ideology of the superstructure of New Nepal. Hence, full blown anarchy, ailing national economy, confrontational social relationships and all pervading black marketing and profit-pocketing by several layers and types of politico-business tycoons and their stooges have been hitting hard at the backbone of New Nepal. Similarly, the commoners in the new republican order are also experiencing the heat. Acknowledging this nonsense as the sad side of the story, in this essay, I will share my exploration on fundamental positive change that has been taking place at the grassroots and at national level in many areas.
The series of movements and strategic initiatives including the Arya Samaj movement, pro-democracy movements, Jhapa movement and decade-long Maoist people's war contributed significantly in the process of grassroots awakening. The same movements and initiatives also contributed to break several chains of exploitations and injustices, which had been preserving unjust socio-economic and political structures, order and hierarchies. A different grassroots of New Nepal has emerged as a result of many socio-political factors including the initiatives that created common community wealth and greater facilities. Similarly, at national level, the people and the nation have erected some important milestones. Hence, it would be relevant to talk about the contributing factors and their impact on the larger society, though briefly.
Silent social revolution
Without any hue and cry, people at local levels tried to insert new values, which, on the long run, replaced the value system that existed for centuries. A Brahmin boy got married to a Dalit girl and he was thrown away from the village. It was difficult to adjust with but they survived. This event was a clear break with the past. Slowly, such events were replicated all over Nepal. This new trend had major contribution in breaking the untouchability myth. Hundreds of undocumented events including the struggle of Dalits to get rid of untouchability and to get justice and equality created the platform. And, the state was forced to declare untouchability as crime. But, the forceful implementations of such arrangements were only possible when education offered new information and the paradigm of the people particularly that of youths shifted. Now, they have generally (though not fully yet) regained respect in the society after several centuries. Similarly, the oppressed nationalities have individually and collectively tried for several years to get recognition of their rights and equal place in the society. Now, they have attained a level from where realization of their goals is not far away. Several women including Yogmaya and Dibya Koirala either through religious reform movements or by spreading facilities to educate women took part in the emancipation process of women. These acts of silent revolutions contributed most meaningfully to provide the foundation to change the society. During the ten years of the Maoist people's war, the process was shortened as they revolutionized the thought processes and the behaviors of the masses. So, the village Nepal is quite different than the village Nepal of ten years back. The same is applicable at grassroots level in urban Nepal. Although, the grassroots is not egalitarian as such, neither it is free of social prejudices against Dalits, women and oppressed nationalities, but it is uniquely different. Now, no power could prevent it from saying "good bye" to untouchability, gender stereotypes and socio-political exclusion of oppressed nationalities. The forces of change have been proceeding forward and their march is fast and irreversible. This is really a New Nepal in making at the grassroots.
Chains of mass movements
The new political journey initiated by the idealist youths of Prachanda Gorkha (the very first political party in Nepal that survived just for some months) has created several milestones to reach the level that of today. Among the movements, the anti-Rana movement, pro-democracy movements (1947 onward), Jhapa movement and Maoist movement contributed more in the process of mass awakening, but the major role have been played by several small local level mass uprisings. Some of these uprisings had a class nature such as the very first industrial workers strike in Biratnagar Jute Mills (1947) and Gaur peasants struggle (1950). The same could be seen in social arena like oppressed nationalities' movement such as the Kirat rebellion in Majhkirat (1908) or that of Dalits such as the struggle launched to establish their right to enter inside Pashupatinath temple (1954) or that of student's Jayatu Sanskritam struggle (1947). These struggles erected several milestones in the process that played significant role in detaching the future from its past. They developed and disseminated a strong message that a new Nepal is in making. May be, several small local level uprisings did not last long, but they deeply impacted on the socio-political landscape of the area. The synergy generated through their impacts accelerated the process of substantial change in the larger society.
Emergence of the critical mass
Expansion of formal educational facilities, non-formal education activities, cooperative movements, community level project implementation mechanisms, user groups and several small scale participatory grassroots mechanisms had created the environment, where people started to question, tried to search for probable answers and more importantly moved away from subordinate frame of mind and became a part of valuable critical mass. The recognition of plurality of values, belief systems, social norms, community behaviors and social relationships opened the horizon for interactions, quantitative reformation and qualitative change. Hence, the society has been passing through several acts and activities of continuous renewal. Thus, it has provided opportunities to expand the critical mass and helping it to be more informed, reasonable, logical, confrontational and resolute.
New information highway and ever-expanding communication networks
Newspapers, radios including FM stations and television channels played one of the most important roles not only in disseminating information and building knowledge base in several areas but also they helped people to move out of the mindset primarily confined to feudal attitudinal frame. Gradually, they have been moving towards open attitudinal space. Now, they know how the affluent sections of their society live. Hence, they have the opportunity to compare between two types of livelihoods and lifestyles. This has exposed them to different type of reality. This exposure enabled them to set new life goals on one side and also it empowered them with information to direct their efforts to attain those goals by mixing confrontational and capability building approaches, simultaneously. The telephone network and other communication facilities are integrating societies more closely and hence, more united actions could be seen in several fronts that include but not limited to new initiatives, common interest actions, joint acts, issues/events based struggles etc. The means of information dissemination, knowledge building and attainment of relaxation/entertainment have offered more comfortable space and livable environment.
Expansion of facilities
Whether be it formal education institutions or health facility service centers or business enterprises or community level service delivery mechanisms; the number, size and capacity of such facilities have increased many folds. The airports, highways and road networks have connected places and people and provided infrastructural base for the feeling of oneness among people of several different regions. These transportation infrastructures have also expanded the market for products and services. Although, there is power cut for more than 12 hours daily during dry season, the fact is that Nepal produces more than 600 megawatts of electricity (2009). This is not enough, but the foundation is ready to move fast to generate more.
Emergence of new social contract at the grassroots
The annual labor contract system between the peasants and agriculture workers in the rural areas has gone through a sea change. The system of an agricultural worker attached to a certain peasant or a landlord is no more in practice in eastern and central Nepal and in western Nepal too such systems like Kamaiyas, Haliyas and Kahmlaris are disappearing fast. It may not continue for long. This is one major contribution of the left movement in Nepal. Similarly, the changes in tenancy system and providing rights to the tenants have freed them from evicting whenever the landowner wished so. Though, exploitation and unjust relationships are still prevalent in the society, the new system of social contract has been emerging very fast with a clear goal of establishing a just and egalitarian society. It may not radically transform the society just through evolutionary change, but it has been building foundation to realize the goal through revolutionary means.
Labor migration and remittance economy
Many youths from rural areas even from remote parts are daring to travel to the places they have not heard about. Neither they know the language nor they are familiar with the culture there nor do they be sure what type of job they will get and how much money they could earn. Even, they do not know to complete the embarkation/disembarkation forms. Still, they ventured particularly to Gulf countries, Malaysia and South Korea. Some of them have gone to Israel and Cyprus. A few could be found in Japan. And, many travel to several parts of India. Their number is not exactly known but that could be more than 2.5 million. They are sending money home and that is estimated around a trillion in Rupees every year. They did not only go out and send money, but also helped to take out excess workforce from agriculture creating fairly reduced supply of labor in that sector of economy. The demand and supply mechanism created some positive change in rural wage system. Now, the labor gets more. Though, it has increased the price of agricultural produces but it is only fair if the agriculture workers get more wages. This way, the rural folks are getting inward remittance regularly and their living standards are improving. The children of migrant workers are enrolled in schools, in some cases in better schools. Hence, rural livelihood mechanism has been changing and the national economy is getting breather in times of senseless anarchy.
Professionals and experts
The experts in certain fields and professionals in many areas could be found working in several parts of the globe. They are with United Nations and its system agencies, multilateral organization, international business enterprises, universities and research centers, aid agencies including international non-government organizations and expert services caterers such as famed fashion designers, mountaineering instructors etc. Outside the country, they are Nepal's goodwill ambassadors and when they come back home, they bring unmatched expertise. Even inside Nepal, we have some world class professionals. In this way, slowly but steadily, Nepal is moving forward.
Conclusion
It would be helpful to examine the objectiveness of the above analysis by comparing the deference using some indicators. Hence, a few basic indicators below could be quoted for this purpose.
a. Nepal during 1960-1970
Life Expectancy at birth (1960): 38 years
Adult Literacy Rate (1970): 13%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1960): 297
b. Nepal during 1980-1990
Life Expectancy at birth (1987): 52 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (1985): 26%
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000, in 1988): 197
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 1987): US$ 720
HDI (1990): 0.273
http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_1990_en_indicators1.pdf
3. Nepal during 2000-2010
Life Expectancy at birth (2007): 66 Years
Adult Literacy Rate (2007): 56.5%
Real GDP per capita (ppp in 2007): US$ 1049
HDI (2007): 0.553
http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html
Human Development Index (HDI) has doubled in 2007 (0.553) compare to 1990 (0.273). Similarly, Adult literacy rate too has jumped more than four fold in 2007 (56.5%) compare to 1970 (13%). Life expectancy has gone steadily up from 38 years in 1960 to 52 years in 1987 to 66 years in 2007. Per Capita real GDP (PPP) also has increased from US$ 720 in 1987 to US$ 1049 in 2007. Although, it is not that much, still the over all trend is positive. Hence, despite Nepal being under despotic regimes or 'democratic' anarchies, the progress mentioned above is not small. Moreover, during the decade starting 1996, Nepal was in unprecedented turmoil and upheavals primarily caused by the Maoist-led people's war. Nepali economy and infrastructures had been on constant pressure that included damage of common wealth created already. Overcoming such difficulties and getting some good marks is an achievement for which Nepali people could feel proud.
Nepal has three limitations in regard to its way forward. First, Nepal has the governance problem. No mainstream political party commands the respect of people. Their politics of deception and their acts, which revolve around their petty interests, have injured the nation, dangerously. Second, in both areas, in creation of wealth, Nepal is not in optimal level and in distribution of created wealth justly, Nepal fares badly. Third, in comparison to nations, which were generally in the same situation in 1960, Nepal's pace of change and its overall development have lagged far behind. Therefore, Nepal is in great need of the politics of transformation, which has a blend of progressive ethics, values, characters, hopes, visions and commitment to cause. Also, Nepal very much needs political, social, economic and organizational instruments, which could lead Nepal in creation of wealth. This wealth could be meaningful skills, physical facilities, organizational infrastructure, intellectual capacity, technological capability or simply that could be production of enough goods and services. There should be appropriate mechanisms, polities and practices that ensure basic equality, equity and justice in distributing the wealth that has been or would be created. Nepal could catch up with the nations, which reached ahead of it today, if it could create synergetic effects of these two factors. Also, identifying correctly its strength base, setting priorities right and channeling entire national energies to drive the nation forward are equally important. Certainly, in this course of all inclusive transformation, the roadblocks should be cleared. A progressive, compassionate, just, shining and ever-renewing New Nepal could and should emerge, if initiatives, endeavors and enterprises prosper.
April 07, 2010
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