- Govinda Neupane
The main leaders of the major mainstream political parties have been behaving in such a fashion that the people have started to look them as the clowns of the dethroned monarch. All leaders of the THREE BIG parties have lost their credibility. The Nepali Congress leader Mr. G. P. Koirala's credibility was already too low. People have been blaming him for years that he is visionless, valueless and power hungry. Some people believed that he translates his words into actions. It was thought that what he says, that he does. It was just the appreciation of his predictability. Although, this year, there was erosion in this appreciation, still he is the one losing less. In mathematical term, for example, he had 10 positive points last year in a scale of 100 and now he might have still 7 points. Hence, he has a negative result of 3 points. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) leader Mr. J. N. Khanal has been known for both his intellectual ability and political limitations. This year, there is some change in his image as most of the time he was swinging between Maoists carrots and his own party's sticks. Incidentally, he doesn't command majority support in the UML central committee. So, eating words and changing stands made him a unique person. His credibility range also has gone down significantly. He might had 35 positive points last year and now he may have just 20 points. The war-time superhero and the most charismatic Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) leader Mr. Prachanda is the biggest loser, both in areas of credibility and charisma in the current political amphitheatre. Most of the time, there is no match between what he says and what he does. In the scale of 100, he probably had 85 positive points last year and now he will command not more than 15 points. He is between J. N. Khanal (20) and G. P. Koirala (7). If the same trend continues, he may top the list next year surpassing Mr. Koirala. Moreover, Prime Minister Mr. M. K. Nepal also belongs to this same category of leaders, who are losing credibility with a high margin. His only agenda seems sticking to the Prime Minister's chair by making any compromise. One strange thing is that Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Mr. Ram Chandra Poudel and Mr. K. P. Oli have maintained their respective places both in credibility and charisma with some minus and plus points.
The leadership primarily composed of the BIG THREE parties failed miserably in guiding the nation at a delicate time of transition. After watching all the nonsense they uttered and the shameful acts they performed; the people came to realize lately that the rosy picture what the leaders were sharing with them was the same as that once shared by Mr. K. P. Bhattarai, who had told that he was in the process of making Nepal a new Singapore.
The weaknesses of the leadership provided opportunities to external powers to influence the political course strongly in an unfavorable way. As a result, now, we could see several holy places where our leaders often visit for worship. Delhi and Beijing are among the first line temples followed by Washington, London and Oslo. There are people talking about boarder encroachment. But, no leader dares and cares to talk about this issue. Our policies are either made outside in those capitals as mentioned above or in our very own five star hotels by the experts or the manipulators coming from the same capitals and staying in small Nepali heavens, the luxury hotels. The ambassadors are another bunch of rulers and they often try to rule by issuing decrees. The external players visit bedrooms of our BIG leaders and instruct them even how to snore. These leaders pretend that they have no foreign influence on them. Sometimes, they even act well. For example, many among them chant anti-India slogans publicly and polish shoes of their Indian Masters privately
The New Nepal, now, is better known as a Nepal full of hardships, difficulties and uncertainties. These factors include lawlessness, anarchy and mass destruction of public and private properties. No one could feel safe other than the mighty leaders and their cronies. The general strikes popularly knows as BANDHAS have become most frequent as all types of people trying to fulfill any demand call for it, throw stones against pedestrians, burn tires, set vehicles on flames, destroy shops, vandalize public and private properties, terrorize entire populace by beating, hitting or chasing them and think that he or she or they accomplished wonderful acts of struggle. Survival has become number one priority for a large majority of people. Those who do not have means to live are hungry and hence are angry. Similarly, those who have means are at the verge of abduction or killing, and hence are also angry. This makes only a small minority enjoying the fruits of such hardships and anarchy. Everybody knows that this small minority is primarily composed of criminals and political bandits protected by major and minor political parties.
The exercise of the national sovereignty has already been limited. Nepal as such has become incapable to protect its sovereign rights and interests due to external and internal factors. It has been already discussed above about the external factors. The internal factors include anarchic crowd mentality, ethnic aspirations, continuation of Khas chauvinism, geographical disadvantages and local grievances, internal colonization and people's desire to get rid of it and the extreme poverty are contributing to weakening Nepal. By examining the performance of the state mechanism, it is now not a compact state unit. The selfish, visionless and worthless leadership, resentful people and irrational external powers all are adding to a process that has been crystallizing to national disintegration. It may not remain as a sovereign multicultural state if the same trend continues or gets acceleration. Psychological and social disintegration was already in process for several decades, and now there are economic and political disintegrations seen in the horizon.
The unprecedented erosion of state power is the first evidence of disintegration of the Nepalese nation. The so-called major parties make all strategic decisions collectively or individually. The state mechanisms including the courts simply legalize the non-legal decisions or pretend that nothing has happened or overlook. A murderer could come out of the police custody if an influential party is a beneficiary of his or her crime. This could be in the form of political affiliation with that party or previous arrangement of sharing the booty/benefits or simply that person could bribe either that party or its leaders. In case of convicted criminals too, they could get amnesty by utilizing the same privileges. Moreover, these parties could do anything and that is considered normal and natural on the name of 'transitional political environment'. This is nothing other than the clear evidence of political disintegration of the state system.
The oppressive Khas chauvinist chiefs have not shared any power in qualitative term. Although, we could see more women or people from oppressed nationalities standing together with the Khas chiefs and their deputies or cronies in the constituent assembly (also parliament), cabinet or in other organs of the state, but they are just the show pieces. They are there not for making decisions but to shout and offer thumb impressions when the Khas chiefs and their powerful cronies instruct them to do so. The Madheshis, MangolKirats and Dalits had no say in the old Nepal and have no say in this so-called new Nepal. But, now they have the information regarding the discriminations they are facing and they have the desire to get rid of such discriminations. Hence, the divisions have been visible and the desires for solving such phenomenon are intense. When the solutions are not coming out through positive means, the negative means have started to initiate irreversible courses. Certainly, this could lead to social disintegration of the Nepalese nation.
The southern bread basket is the major economic base of the Nepalese nation not only because it is rich in agricultural production but also it is the industrial as well as commercial hub. For centuries, Madhes was treated as a colony by the Khas rulers and the Madhesis know now exactly how they were treated for centuries. They want now economic and political power. The Karnali region has been neglected for long and now the people there know that they are surviving in sub-human conditions and the Nepalese state has done nothing significant for them. The people of MangolKirat nationality know their state of being and are asking for Libuwan, Khambuwan and so on. The same psychological phenomenon is there in other regions too. Hence, the regions and nationalities all over Nepal have expectations that they should get the right to govern themselves. Most of the time and in most of the places, their demands are going beyond duel federalism. They want the right to self determination. When the backbone of the nation, the state system, is so weak, their demands may not be addressed centrally in a comprehensive manner. This situation may lead to territorial disintegration.
There was a joke that a policeman remembered that he was operated by a surgeon 12 years ago. The surgeon had taken his entire brain out when he escaped from the operation theatre. He went back to the surgeon to get his brain back and got it fixed. The surgeon asked where he was for so many years and what he was doing without his brain. The policeman replied that he was a policeman. Now, this time it seems that several persons ran out from the operation theatre without fixing their brains. But this time they did not go for uniform. They put the caps of big leaders on their heads.
The nation and people are in an extraordinarily difficult situation. The nation is at the verge of disintegration, the people are crying for survival and the oppressed social sections, nationalities and regions are dying for justice; the big parties and their big leaders are busy in fattening themselves, their relatives and their cronies. This is utter failure of the leadership. Now, either there would be revolt of unprecedented nature against them and a positive check comes into motion to preserve the national unity of the Nepalese nation or the situation would deteriorate further and the disintegration takes its strategic course. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.
Thursday, October 15, 2009
Friday, July 03, 2009
Unified Maoists: A Rapid Political Appraisal
- Govinda Neupane
The former Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got united with the former Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). They gave a new name to themselves - Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Hence, knowing them who they are has become a topic of interest. Therefore, an attempt has been made here to present a brief overview reflecting on their achievements and losses after the Delhi Agreement (November, 2005) to find out their political place now.
What the Unified Maoists attained?
They got American and European acceptance as a political force in Nepal. Although, they are still in the terror related list of America, but that has not much significance as there is nothing substantial at practical level. Some Scandinavian countries are even much friendlier towards them. They got the unusual support from, both India and China in this course barring India's action regarding the last disagreement of the Unified Maoist led government's decision of sacking the army chief.
They got the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election. They played effective role in abolishing the monarchy. Irrespective of good or bad governance, they led the government of Nepal for nine months.
Their strength might have gone up in numerical sense after many independents (including former monarchists) and cadres of other parties joined them. Also, they got united with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). The process of the merger was quite interesting. The former Maoist party merged with former Unity Center-Masal, politically and ideologically; whereas former Unity Center-Masal merged with former Maoist party organizationally.
While they were running the government, they performed better in some areas, particularly in generating revenue.
They generated great hopes among people and created a sense of empowerment among the suppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and oppressed as well as exploited masses. Although it was relative and temporary, but happiness is happiness. And, also strategically, seeds of awareness and taste of accomplishments never die.
What are their losses?
Sudden and unpredictable change of tactics including the political line created a situation that contributed to derailment of the path of the Nepalese democratic revolution. There was no vertical organizational split, though a few leaders including Matrika Yadav left the party. But there were horizontal divisions of unprecedented nature in many areas including approaches, political line, tactics and relationships. Many party cadres, PLA cadres and sympathizers either started to feel betrayed or became confused and developed suspicion on the motives of the leadership. The famous or infamous Shaktikhor video works as an evidence of such situation inside the Unified Maoist's world. This was the biggest loss of the Unified Maoist. In reality, the revolutionaries, once again, have to clear roadblocks.
The Unified Maoist's another major loss was that of diminishing credibility of the frontline leadership. Their art of speaking conveniently became known to everybody. Perhaps, it was their compulsion as they were playing a game by using different rules of different games. Credibility loss is one of the most serious diseases for any political party or politician and the diagnosis is that the Unified Maoist also has been suffering from this disease.
They failed in running the government smoothly and people started to suspect their intention and ability to translating the slogan of new Nepal into reality. Insecurity, lawlessness and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities added misery to people's lives even during the time they ruled.
Ideological and political divisions within the leadership have created several platforms. Among them, three platforms have some degree of objectivity. First platform is composed of outright practitioners of people's multiparty democracy. They are talking loud to camouflage their course at least for sometime. Second group is busy remembering the glory of the past but is accommodating with both camps within the party. They are undecided regarding their choice for future course. This is a mobile platform. The third platform disagrees with the first, but lacks vision, courage and charisma. This platform has been in a situation of bewilderment. They seem quite clear on ideology, strategy and tactics, but they have no comprehensive plan of action and motivation for a new drive. Registering 'note of decent' and leaving rest to circumstances is their modality. In this way, the intra-party struggle is neither fierce nor result oriented. Hence, all the platforms within the Unified Maoist party are in the state of decreased self-confidence.
As there is split between Unified Maoists and the Maoists (new organizational mechanisms led by Matrika Yadav and Mani Thapa), now it is natural that there would be polarization of forces, may be disproportionately for sometime. This polarization may gain momentum the day when the process of assimilation within the political mainstream of the Unified Maoists would be relatively complete and clearly visible.
In international arena, they have already lost the goodwill of the forces of radical social change including the goodwill of the Indian Maoists. The letter sent to Unified Maoists by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) dated April 20, 2009 has elaborated the differences clearly.
Where they stand today?
Now, the Unified Maoist party is an amalgamation of different political and social forces and interest groups. This has become a mechanical mixture of liberal lefts, progressive nationalists and floating members of political intelligentsia. Through a long process of cooperation and cohabitation with the centrist and center-left parties, the Unified Maoists also has become a member of the conglomerate of mainstream parties. This conglomerate revolves around a large circle made out of two ingredients - status quo and evolutionary change. Now, the Unified Maoists are simply the center-left political force. Still they could lead the process of evolutionary change in the society. They are a progressive political force and could add value in bringing incremental change. But, when they say that they are the revolutionary force and they say that they are capable to lead the process of societal transformation; nobody other than they themselves and their blind followers believe in. Exactly, they traveled through the same 'conversion path' invented by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) about two decades ago. This path took UML to their desired destination and converted them to social democrats. What would happen to the Unified Maoist party now? By examining through the application of political genetics, the DNA of the Unified Maoist party has matched with the DNA of UML. Notwithstanding the bitterness, quarrel and bullfights; they are the first cousins, if not siblings. Hence, the people, Nepalese nation and progressive political, social and economic forces should level their expectations accordingly and should rediscover the transformational political process, strategies and tactics appropriately.
July 01, 2009
The former Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got united with the former Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). They gave a new name to themselves - Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Hence, knowing them who they are has become a topic of interest. Therefore, an attempt has been made here to present a brief overview reflecting on their achievements and losses after the Delhi Agreement (November, 2005) to find out their political place now.
What the Unified Maoists attained?
They got American and European acceptance as a political force in Nepal. Although, they are still in the terror related list of America, but that has not much significance as there is nothing substantial at practical level. Some Scandinavian countries are even much friendlier towards them. They got the unusual support from, both India and China in this course barring India's action regarding the last disagreement of the Unified Maoist led government's decision of sacking the army chief.
They got the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election. They played effective role in abolishing the monarchy. Irrespective of good or bad governance, they led the government of Nepal for nine months.
Their strength might have gone up in numerical sense after many independents (including former monarchists) and cadres of other parties joined them. Also, they got united with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). The process of the merger was quite interesting. The former Maoist party merged with former Unity Center-Masal, politically and ideologically; whereas former Unity Center-Masal merged with former Maoist party organizationally.
While they were running the government, they performed better in some areas, particularly in generating revenue.
They generated great hopes among people and created a sense of empowerment among the suppressed nationalities, marginalized sections and oppressed as well as exploited masses. Although it was relative and temporary, but happiness is happiness. And, also strategically, seeds of awareness and taste of accomplishments never die.
What are their losses?
Sudden and unpredictable change of tactics including the political line created a situation that contributed to derailment of the path of the Nepalese democratic revolution. There was no vertical organizational split, though a few leaders including Matrika Yadav left the party. But there were horizontal divisions of unprecedented nature in many areas including approaches, political line, tactics and relationships. Many party cadres, PLA cadres and sympathizers either started to feel betrayed or became confused and developed suspicion on the motives of the leadership. The famous or infamous Shaktikhor video works as an evidence of such situation inside the Unified Maoist's world. This was the biggest loss of the Unified Maoist. In reality, the revolutionaries, once again, have to clear roadblocks.
The Unified Maoist's another major loss was that of diminishing credibility of the frontline leadership. Their art of speaking conveniently became known to everybody. Perhaps, it was their compulsion as they were playing a game by using different rules of different games. Credibility loss is one of the most serious diseases for any political party or politician and the diagnosis is that the Unified Maoist also has been suffering from this disease.
They failed in running the government smoothly and people started to suspect their intention and ability to translating the slogan of new Nepal into reality. Insecurity, lawlessness and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities added misery to people's lives even during the time they ruled.
Ideological and political divisions within the leadership have created several platforms. Among them, three platforms have some degree of objectivity. First platform is composed of outright practitioners of people's multiparty democracy. They are talking loud to camouflage their course at least for sometime. Second group is busy remembering the glory of the past but is accommodating with both camps within the party. They are undecided regarding their choice for future course. This is a mobile platform. The third platform disagrees with the first, but lacks vision, courage and charisma. This platform has been in a situation of bewilderment. They seem quite clear on ideology, strategy and tactics, but they have no comprehensive plan of action and motivation for a new drive. Registering 'note of decent' and leaving rest to circumstances is their modality. In this way, the intra-party struggle is neither fierce nor result oriented. Hence, all the platforms within the Unified Maoist party are in the state of decreased self-confidence.
As there is split between Unified Maoists and the Maoists (new organizational mechanisms led by Matrika Yadav and Mani Thapa), now it is natural that there would be polarization of forces, may be disproportionately for sometime. This polarization may gain momentum the day when the process of assimilation within the political mainstream of the Unified Maoists would be relatively complete and clearly visible.
In international arena, they have already lost the goodwill of the forces of radical social change including the goodwill of the Indian Maoists. The letter sent to Unified Maoists by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) dated April 20, 2009 has elaborated the differences clearly.
Where they stand today?
Now, the Unified Maoist party is an amalgamation of different political and social forces and interest groups. This has become a mechanical mixture of liberal lefts, progressive nationalists and floating members of political intelligentsia. Through a long process of cooperation and cohabitation with the centrist and center-left parties, the Unified Maoists also has become a member of the conglomerate of mainstream parties. This conglomerate revolves around a large circle made out of two ingredients - status quo and evolutionary change. Now, the Unified Maoists are simply the center-left political force. Still they could lead the process of evolutionary change in the society. They are a progressive political force and could add value in bringing incremental change. But, when they say that they are the revolutionary force and they say that they are capable to lead the process of societal transformation; nobody other than they themselves and their blind followers believe in. Exactly, they traveled through the same 'conversion path' invented by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) about two decades ago. This path took UML to their desired destination and converted them to social democrats. What would happen to the Unified Maoist party now? By examining through the application of political genetics, the DNA of the Unified Maoist party has matched with the DNA of UML. Notwithstanding the bitterness, quarrel and bullfights; they are the first cousins, if not siblings. Hence, the people, Nepalese nation and progressive political, social and economic forces should level their expectations accordingly and should rediscover the transformational political process, strategies and tactics appropriately.
July 01, 2009
Red Nepal Turns White Ephemerally
Govinda Neupane
(Previously, the article was posted on http://www.ujyalonepal.blogspot.com/ under an assumed name Ratna Prabhat. First time published in August 29, 2008)
The hopes and aspirations created by the decade long people's war between the holder of the old regressive regime and the aspirants of the new progressive state power had generated tremendous energy that heralded the beginning of a new era. The consciously designed course of socio-political change was vivid. The people not only could see it but also could sense, hear and touch. That was seen in human relationships, class relationships and community relationships. The production processes also had been influenced including the roles of the productive forces. The process of political empowerment had initiated all powerful attempts that could lead to human emancipation. The tempest of forward march was seen all over Nepal, particularly in its rural areas. Every next day, it was uniquely different than the previous day. There was all pervading anticipation that tomorrow would be markedly different than today. After the People's Movement II, the momentum some how got obstructed. The tempest of change started to pass through the process of "go slow" and ultimately it was surpassed by the arrangements of real politicking such as power sharing, coalition formations and adjustments between the forces of change and the forces of status quo.In the rapidly changing political scenario, many people feel bewildered as they were not able to sense the course of events.
The braves turned to be something different, the ones in political hibernation started to bargain and the well-known political crooks and their organizations started to shine. Strange but true! Nepal slowly but steadily started to turn white.The people in uniform called People's Liberation Army (PLA) all of the sudden discovered that they have to take care of their families themselves. The children of these PLA soldiers born as the sons or daughters of full time PLA parents became pariah with an uncertain future. Many of these PLA soldiers have no resource base to support the survival and development of these children. Not only the children but they themselves would face difficulties in managing their livelihood. Now, the easy option is to integrate them with the regular government army. This could solve their personal problems but they will have to sacrifice their dreams of human emancipation. They would be the part of the same armed bureaucracy that has been there for about two and a half centuries. In any case, the integration would effectively finish the PLA together with their dream, a dream of emancipated humanity.
The landless and poor peasants, who were at the forefront of the movement, also had developed a dream, a dream of justice, prosperity and advancement. Even, they had got land to cultivate as part of the agrarian reform process, a land reform of limited scale and magnitude. They had started to develop some sorts of the sense of ownership over the land they got. Now, they are going to loose that temporary ownership/tilling right. Their dream has been shattered. The industrial, construction, service delivery and other off-farm workers, both organized and unorganized, had developed a dream, a dream of better working conditions, better wages and respectful owner-worker relationship. Most of them have been connected to one or the other labor unions. Their bargaining capacity had greatly increased. But, now, when the process of negotiated settlement of the class conflict started, gradually they have been loosing the ground. The priority on industrial peace would effectively overshadow their rights and aspirations. There is high possibility that from now on, they would loose their bargaining power even more. Their dream also has confronted with the rough political weather and is at the verge of vanishing.
The people's governance mechanisms at local levels called "Jana Sarkars" (people's governments) have lost their relevance. The functionaries of such mechanisms became unemployed. Till two years ago, their writ was running as effectively as that of any functional government. Now, not only their opponents are against them but their own creators also have disowned them. This has effectively ended the power exercising organizational mechanism created by the decade-long war.The youths organized as militia in the past and converted to Young Communist League (YCL) afterward played significant role in curbing crimes, taming the untamable and delivering justice instantly. It is also equally true that in many cases, they committed excesses. Particularly, it happened due to the need of short cuts to win the election. They were the most powerful instruments during that time. Now, they are considered a spent force. Their role has been in question by their opponents and media, both.
The youths organized through the process of popular mobilizations and social actions are at the verge of disappearance as organized force. Alternatively, they could be surviving as vegetable/paddy growing community as some of their leaders are advocating such a role for them. The "people's courts" are now going to be replaced with the old state's courts. The verdict delivered by the "people's courts" and reversal of such decisions would create a mess in the lives of many people, particularly in the rural areas. It is not the question of integrating two systems in one, but in all practical sense, it is deactivating one and accepting the functional as well as legal jurisdiction of the other. In such situation, "people's courts" will be deactivated and the old state's court system will have the sole judicial authority.
A large majority of the sympathizers, who had started believing that the new era of illumination and abundance would be not that far, have started now to question their own expectations. Moreover, many among them have been expressing bewilderment. They had distant past that was full of difficulties; they had yesterday that was full of hopes and dreams; they have today that is full of uncertainties and bewilderments and they have no clear cut picture of tomorrow. They are feeling speechless; as if the whole euphoria of emancipation got multiple accidents at one go. The most affected lot is none other than the party cadres. They offered everything that belongs to them - time, energy, personal property, physical strength, intellectual capacities and emotional treasures. They had an ideal and they sacrificed everything to attain goals that help to realize that ideal. The ideal was the complete and sustainable emancipation of human being - a state of human civilization where oppression, suppression, injustices, poverty, ignorance and unjustifiably unequal human relations, wealth accumulations and opportunity allocations would be the stories of past. The society would be thriving because of the civility, enterprise, technological advances and enlightened behavior of its owners/creators/sustainers - the people. Now, that ideal has been questioned and the path reaching there has been going through twists and turns.
The common party cadres are divided between the followers of today's statesmen and yesterday's guides. The average party cadres are at loss of a guide, philosopher and mentor - the party that commands their respect. The party is still there, but that is some how different than the party they built. Many among the common cadres neither could cry nor could celebrate. They are in a state of bemusement, as if they have lost their sense of judgment. A large number of people made sacrifices.
More than 13000 people sacrificed their lives. Many people sacrificed their organs or body parts as a result of the massive injuries they suffered. Many of them sacrificed their freedom for years as they were languished behind the bars. Many people sacrificed their tears as their beloved ones were taken away from them permanently. The sacrifice made in the form of emotional treasures, perhaps, is one of the most important sacrifices made by the surviving relatives and comrades. Now, they are looking at developments that are not in conformity with the dreams they had during the time they were or are making these contributions.According to the law of contradictions; the new fight is imminent to begin from a new height.
The forces tilting towards the forces of status quo and the forces desirous to march to attain the goal of establishing a new progressive regime in Nepal have no option other than to fight against each other. Hence, there would be a new realignment. That realignment would break relationships, which have the foundation in the previous form of political arrangements. Such realignment would give birth to a new environment for the political as well as armed forces and mass organizations to go through a process of critical assessment of the objective situation. This realignment will also influence the behaviors of the social and economic forces and will encourage them to reassess their respective roles.
Certainly, in the near future, that realignment would take place. Furthermore, that realignment would open up the flood gate of political turmoil of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. And, a new path would appear for a new journey to begin. This is nothing other than an integral process of continuous revolution.
(Previously, the article was posted on http://www.ujyalonepal.blogspot.com/ under an assumed name Ratna Prabhat. First time published in August 29, 2008)
The hopes and aspirations created by the decade long people's war between the holder of the old regressive regime and the aspirants of the new progressive state power had generated tremendous energy that heralded the beginning of a new era. The consciously designed course of socio-political change was vivid. The people not only could see it but also could sense, hear and touch. That was seen in human relationships, class relationships and community relationships. The production processes also had been influenced including the roles of the productive forces. The process of political empowerment had initiated all powerful attempts that could lead to human emancipation. The tempest of forward march was seen all over Nepal, particularly in its rural areas. Every next day, it was uniquely different than the previous day. There was all pervading anticipation that tomorrow would be markedly different than today. After the People's Movement II, the momentum some how got obstructed. The tempest of change started to pass through the process of "go slow" and ultimately it was surpassed by the arrangements of real politicking such as power sharing, coalition formations and adjustments between the forces of change and the forces of status quo.In the rapidly changing political scenario, many people feel bewildered as they were not able to sense the course of events.
The braves turned to be something different, the ones in political hibernation started to bargain and the well-known political crooks and their organizations started to shine. Strange but true! Nepal slowly but steadily started to turn white.The people in uniform called People's Liberation Army (PLA) all of the sudden discovered that they have to take care of their families themselves. The children of these PLA soldiers born as the sons or daughters of full time PLA parents became pariah with an uncertain future. Many of these PLA soldiers have no resource base to support the survival and development of these children. Not only the children but they themselves would face difficulties in managing their livelihood. Now, the easy option is to integrate them with the regular government army. This could solve their personal problems but they will have to sacrifice their dreams of human emancipation. They would be the part of the same armed bureaucracy that has been there for about two and a half centuries. In any case, the integration would effectively finish the PLA together with their dream, a dream of emancipated humanity.
The landless and poor peasants, who were at the forefront of the movement, also had developed a dream, a dream of justice, prosperity and advancement. Even, they had got land to cultivate as part of the agrarian reform process, a land reform of limited scale and magnitude. They had started to develop some sorts of the sense of ownership over the land they got. Now, they are going to loose that temporary ownership/tilling right. Their dream has been shattered. The industrial, construction, service delivery and other off-farm workers, both organized and unorganized, had developed a dream, a dream of better working conditions, better wages and respectful owner-worker relationship. Most of them have been connected to one or the other labor unions. Their bargaining capacity had greatly increased. But, now, when the process of negotiated settlement of the class conflict started, gradually they have been loosing the ground. The priority on industrial peace would effectively overshadow their rights and aspirations. There is high possibility that from now on, they would loose their bargaining power even more. Their dream also has confronted with the rough political weather and is at the verge of vanishing.
The people's governance mechanisms at local levels called "Jana Sarkars" (people's governments) have lost their relevance. The functionaries of such mechanisms became unemployed. Till two years ago, their writ was running as effectively as that of any functional government. Now, not only their opponents are against them but their own creators also have disowned them. This has effectively ended the power exercising organizational mechanism created by the decade-long war.The youths organized as militia in the past and converted to Young Communist League (YCL) afterward played significant role in curbing crimes, taming the untamable and delivering justice instantly. It is also equally true that in many cases, they committed excesses. Particularly, it happened due to the need of short cuts to win the election. They were the most powerful instruments during that time. Now, they are considered a spent force. Their role has been in question by their opponents and media, both.
The youths organized through the process of popular mobilizations and social actions are at the verge of disappearance as organized force. Alternatively, they could be surviving as vegetable/paddy growing community as some of their leaders are advocating such a role for them. The "people's courts" are now going to be replaced with the old state's courts. The verdict delivered by the "people's courts" and reversal of such decisions would create a mess in the lives of many people, particularly in the rural areas. It is not the question of integrating two systems in one, but in all practical sense, it is deactivating one and accepting the functional as well as legal jurisdiction of the other. In such situation, "people's courts" will be deactivated and the old state's court system will have the sole judicial authority.
A large majority of the sympathizers, who had started believing that the new era of illumination and abundance would be not that far, have started now to question their own expectations. Moreover, many among them have been expressing bewilderment. They had distant past that was full of difficulties; they had yesterday that was full of hopes and dreams; they have today that is full of uncertainties and bewilderments and they have no clear cut picture of tomorrow. They are feeling speechless; as if the whole euphoria of emancipation got multiple accidents at one go. The most affected lot is none other than the party cadres. They offered everything that belongs to them - time, energy, personal property, physical strength, intellectual capacities and emotional treasures. They had an ideal and they sacrificed everything to attain goals that help to realize that ideal. The ideal was the complete and sustainable emancipation of human being - a state of human civilization where oppression, suppression, injustices, poverty, ignorance and unjustifiably unequal human relations, wealth accumulations and opportunity allocations would be the stories of past. The society would be thriving because of the civility, enterprise, technological advances and enlightened behavior of its owners/creators/sustainers - the people. Now, that ideal has been questioned and the path reaching there has been going through twists and turns.
The common party cadres are divided between the followers of today's statesmen and yesterday's guides. The average party cadres are at loss of a guide, philosopher and mentor - the party that commands their respect. The party is still there, but that is some how different than the party they built. Many among the common cadres neither could cry nor could celebrate. They are in a state of bemusement, as if they have lost their sense of judgment. A large number of people made sacrifices.
More than 13000 people sacrificed their lives. Many people sacrificed their organs or body parts as a result of the massive injuries they suffered. Many of them sacrificed their freedom for years as they were languished behind the bars. Many people sacrificed their tears as their beloved ones were taken away from them permanently. The sacrifice made in the form of emotional treasures, perhaps, is one of the most important sacrifices made by the surviving relatives and comrades. Now, they are looking at developments that are not in conformity with the dreams they had during the time they were or are making these contributions.According to the law of contradictions; the new fight is imminent to begin from a new height.
The forces tilting towards the forces of status quo and the forces desirous to march to attain the goal of establishing a new progressive regime in Nepal have no option other than to fight against each other. Hence, there would be a new realignment. That realignment would break relationships, which have the foundation in the previous form of political arrangements. Such realignment would give birth to a new environment for the political as well as armed forces and mass organizations to go through a process of critical assessment of the objective situation. This realignment will also influence the behaviors of the social and economic forces and will encourage them to reassess their respective roles.
Certainly, in the near future, that realignment would take place. Furthermore, that realignment would open up the flood gate of political turmoil of unprecedented nature, scale and intensity. And, a new path would appear for a new journey to begin. This is nothing other than an integral process of continuous revolution.
Saturday, June 06, 2009
Political Quagmire and Glimmer of Hope
Govinda Neupane
During 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, the Nepali Congress contributed to create political awareness among the people, though it had several limitations. During 1970s and 1980s, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) was at the forefront of the movement that tried to rally people around the core agenda of societal transformation. During 1990s and 2000s (except the last few years), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) not only continued the process of transformation at the grassroots, but also it provided alternative mechanism for people's governance and established de-facto state power in a large part of the country. Suddenly, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decided to chart a new course and signed 12-points agreement in Delhi. After traveling through bumpy roads, it has reached somewhere now, though many people including a large number of Unified Maoist cadres do not know where they are and which road they have to go through to reach their vague goal of establishing a people's republic. When the Maoists became the largest party in the constituent assembly and formed the coalition government under their leadership; there was hope, excitement and thrill all over the country. They had launched and continued people's war for more than a decade and their image was that of a revolutionary force free of corruption, nepotism, inaction, lethargy and submission to any kind of unjust pressures and pressure tactics. They ruled Nepal for about nine months. But, the day Unified Maoists vacated the seat of state power, their shining image had already been faded. They lost their revolutionary aroma and unmatched level of credibility. Moreover, people's trust on their ability, sincerity and rationality has also been questioned.
In a country like ours where a large gap exists between the rich and poor, highly educated and illiterates, urban and rural areas, city centers and peripheries, ruling nationality and oppressed nationalities and governing elites and the masses; democracy is just a phrase that refers to some sorts of rituals in certain intervals. These rituals include organizing 'elections', changing ruling elites in some situations and providing space to a few influential elites to bark. Moreover, the rituals also include sub-contracting or out-sourcing of state authority and functions either to crooks and cronies at various level of governance or to political as well as non-political apparatus or to powerful foreign countries. And, the slogan of democracy remains just an elitist rhetoric. Hence, E. N. Muller (1988, Democracy, Economic Development, and Income Inequality, American Sociological Review, 53, 50-68) rightly suggests that for a certain period of time, such countries need to be governed by a party which has radical change agenda to bring down the gaps to a manageable level. This tactical phase may help to build socio-political and economic infrastructure for full fledged democracy. In this context, the Maoists with their radical change agenda could have been the best political force to lead the country to narrow down the large gaps. But the Unified Maoists failed in implementing their agenda and created a situation that forced them to see the exit.
Now, the political process has proceeded to an unknown destination. The general perception is that this is nothing other than status quo ante. The new coalition has no comprehensive program (forget about the ritualistic 'common minimum program'), no cohesive functional mechanism and no credibility. They command no hope as every major party is divided into two groups involved in a fight-to-finish battle. Although, there is no commonality in regard to ideological affinity or programmatic responses, in each and every large party there are Unified Maoists' proxies and their diehard opponents. These groups are no less effective in pulling rugs under the feet of the government. The Unified Maoist-led government failed due to its over-talk and no action (except revenue generation); this government may fail due to less talk and more actions. These actions may include but not limited to daily in-house wrestling, cut-throat competition at the fertile ground of corruption and appeasement in the front of law and order so as to prolong their days in power. The angry Unified Maoists will try to bring down the government by any means at their disposal. Hence, the serenity of villages may end soon and political parties may enter into gang wars giving sleepless nights to ordinary villagers. The cities and towns are already tumultuous and chaotic, anyway.
We need radical transformation of the society. To lead the process of momentous transformation, we need strong and popular political and social forces, which have radical change agenda that addresses inequality, injustice and serious socio-economic and political gaps. Here, it would be desirable to examine the existence and roles of such forces.
The 'famous' 'Civil Society Leaders' have been busy in projecting themselves as the savior of the Nepalese nation and are busy being overly visible. This coalition of former bureaucrats, technocrats, NGO professionals and sidelined political personalities as well as unsuccessful political leaders has been making noises and is creating certain imagery that there is still space for hope from them. In essence, they could bring neither change in the fundamental base of the society nor they could influence in designing the political superstructure of a nation. At best, they can influence to this or that insignificant events or decisions of the government or a political party. Unfortunately, they are projected as supper politico-social functionaries who could influence the future course of a nation. They themselves are in such illusion. Hence, it would be a rational conclusion to see them neither as saviors nor as instrument of substantial change.
Many NGOs behave less like national socio-organizational mechanisms and function more as sub-contractors of the multilateral, bilateral and private (including northern voluntary agencies) donors. They are after green grass; and conflicts, disharmony, inequalities and injustices in Nepal are their pastures. Hence, it is only logical that they never wish to cut down the size of their pastures.
The professional organizations including lawyers association, medical association, engineers' association, university as well as school teacher associations, nurses' association etc, are among the most positive contributors in the process of change. They have contributed in the past, they are contributing most meaningfully today and we could expect they will continue to make wonderful contributions in future. The more they remain apolitical, the better. Only when a national political calamity is imminent or a dawn is at the doorstep, they are welcome to intervene in the political process directly, that too for a brief period. By and large, they did the same in the past and they are doing the same today.
The nationalities' question in Nepal is one among the unresolved issues. The activists and organizations of oppressed nationalities are involved in a tireless struggle to emancipate themselves from oppressive Khasa (Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sannesi) rule. Therefore, they are launching movements to establish autonomous regions of different nationalities. Many intellectuals and politicians, particularly of Khasa origin, are busy propagating that these movements could lead to Nepal's disintegration. Disintegration has its seeds in Khasa chauvinism and not in the oppressed nationalities' liberation endeavors. If Nepal stays stronger, it would stay stronger as the wonderful rainbow federation of different nationalities' autonomous regions/provinces/states. Hence, the forces that are spearheading these movements are contributing to the transformational process that builds a shinning Nepal. Multiculturalism and federalism are the two basic ingredients that are necessary to translate the slogan of a new Nepal into reality. The organizations leading the movements for Limbuvan, Khambuvan (or united Kirat), Madhesh, Tharuhat, Tambasaling, Tamuvan, Magarat (or united Tamumagarat), Khasan, Newa (or Nepah) are the torch bearers of multiculturalism and federalism. These endeavors deserve appreciation, support and salute.
There are political forces, which commanded strong popular support in the past, but now they are just like any other forces of status quo. The lead force in this category is none other than the "Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum" (Madhesi People's Rights Forum). Now, Madhesi Jan Adhikar (Rights of the Madhesi people) is just a begging pot for them. But they are not small-time beggars; they ask for ministerial berths. Eventually, these forces may not lead the process of transformation as people have already seen their greed, opportunist character and betrayal of their commitment. The Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (Tarai Madhes Democratic Party) is, somehow, an exception. Until now, they have successfully maintained their image of a force, which is committed to emancipation of Madhesi people.
A taxi driver from Butwal shared his frustrations and difficulties in managing daily survival and also shed light on some hopes. After a bit long conversation, he shared a secret that they had collected some money and wanted to donate that money to Matrika Yadav. Answering my question of selecting Matrika Yadav, he told that he (Matrika Yadav) sounds the only leader today who has no personal ambition and greed. So, the taxi driver's small community of transport workers collected some money and were trying to get touch with Matrika Yadav or his comrades to hand over that money. This sounds as a petty story. But the story states that the people at grassroots know the value of integrity, sincerity, trust and courage. Now in Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the reactivated party led by Matrika Yadav is one such party with radical change agenda and also it commands credible image. The reactivated Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) could be very small at this moment, but its support base is quite large. They could grow very fast. They are rich with invaluable experiences. They need refinement, correction and realignment. Moreover, they need to develop collective leadership in place of personality cult that over emphasizes on one-man's charisma. They could be one among the major instruments of change. And, together with other progressive political as well as social forces, they may lead the course of historic transformation of the Nepalese society. Thus, the rays of hope are not vanished. The forces that are playing pivotal roles for societal transformation are not absent. Certainly, the road is rough and tough and the weather is foggy, but the caravan has been marching forward energetically.
June, 2009
Posted on www.nepalipost.com (english section/news) on June 08, 2009
During 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, the Nepali Congress contributed to create political awareness among the people, though it had several limitations. During 1970s and 1980s, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) was at the forefront of the movement that tried to rally people around the core agenda of societal transformation. During 1990s and 2000s (except the last few years), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) not only continued the process of transformation at the grassroots, but also it provided alternative mechanism for people's governance and established de-facto state power in a large part of the country. Suddenly, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decided to chart a new course and signed 12-points agreement in Delhi. After traveling through bumpy roads, it has reached somewhere now, though many people including a large number of Unified Maoist cadres do not know where they are and which road they have to go through to reach their vague goal of establishing a people's republic. When the Maoists became the largest party in the constituent assembly and formed the coalition government under their leadership; there was hope, excitement and thrill all over the country. They had launched and continued people's war for more than a decade and their image was that of a revolutionary force free of corruption, nepotism, inaction, lethargy and submission to any kind of unjust pressures and pressure tactics. They ruled Nepal for about nine months. But, the day Unified Maoists vacated the seat of state power, their shining image had already been faded. They lost their revolutionary aroma and unmatched level of credibility. Moreover, people's trust on their ability, sincerity and rationality has also been questioned.
In a country like ours where a large gap exists between the rich and poor, highly educated and illiterates, urban and rural areas, city centers and peripheries, ruling nationality and oppressed nationalities and governing elites and the masses; democracy is just a phrase that refers to some sorts of rituals in certain intervals. These rituals include organizing 'elections', changing ruling elites in some situations and providing space to a few influential elites to bark. Moreover, the rituals also include sub-contracting or out-sourcing of state authority and functions either to crooks and cronies at various level of governance or to political as well as non-political apparatus or to powerful foreign countries. And, the slogan of democracy remains just an elitist rhetoric. Hence, E. N. Muller (1988, Democracy, Economic Development, and Income Inequality, American Sociological Review, 53, 50-68) rightly suggests that for a certain period of time, such countries need to be governed by a party which has radical change agenda to bring down the gaps to a manageable level. This tactical phase may help to build socio-political and economic infrastructure for full fledged democracy. In this context, the Maoists with their radical change agenda could have been the best political force to lead the country to narrow down the large gaps. But the Unified Maoists failed in implementing their agenda and created a situation that forced them to see the exit.
Now, the political process has proceeded to an unknown destination. The general perception is that this is nothing other than status quo ante. The new coalition has no comprehensive program (forget about the ritualistic 'common minimum program'), no cohesive functional mechanism and no credibility. They command no hope as every major party is divided into two groups involved in a fight-to-finish battle. Although, there is no commonality in regard to ideological affinity or programmatic responses, in each and every large party there are Unified Maoists' proxies and their diehard opponents. These groups are no less effective in pulling rugs under the feet of the government. The Unified Maoist-led government failed due to its over-talk and no action (except revenue generation); this government may fail due to less talk and more actions. These actions may include but not limited to daily in-house wrestling, cut-throat competition at the fertile ground of corruption and appeasement in the front of law and order so as to prolong their days in power. The angry Unified Maoists will try to bring down the government by any means at their disposal. Hence, the serenity of villages may end soon and political parties may enter into gang wars giving sleepless nights to ordinary villagers. The cities and towns are already tumultuous and chaotic, anyway.
We need radical transformation of the society. To lead the process of momentous transformation, we need strong and popular political and social forces, which have radical change agenda that addresses inequality, injustice and serious socio-economic and political gaps. Here, it would be desirable to examine the existence and roles of such forces.
The 'famous' 'Civil Society Leaders' have been busy in projecting themselves as the savior of the Nepalese nation and are busy being overly visible. This coalition of former bureaucrats, technocrats, NGO professionals and sidelined political personalities as well as unsuccessful political leaders has been making noises and is creating certain imagery that there is still space for hope from them. In essence, they could bring neither change in the fundamental base of the society nor they could influence in designing the political superstructure of a nation. At best, they can influence to this or that insignificant events or decisions of the government or a political party. Unfortunately, they are projected as supper politico-social functionaries who could influence the future course of a nation. They themselves are in such illusion. Hence, it would be a rational conclusion to see them neither as saviors nor as instrument of substantial change.
Many NGOs behave less like national socio-organizational mechanisms and function more as sub-contractors of the multilateral, bilateral and private (including northern voluntary agencies) donors. They are after green grass; and conflicts, disharmony, inequalities and injustices in Nepal are their pastures. Hence, it is only logical that they never wish to cut down the size of their pastures.
The professional organizations including lawyers association, medical association, engineers' association, university as well as school teacher associations, nurses' association etc, are among the most positive contributors in the process of change. They have contributed in the past, they are contributing most meaningfully today and we could expect they will continue to make wonderful contributions in future. The more they remain apolitical, the better. Only when a national political calamity is imminent or a dawn is at the doorstep, they are welcome to intervene in the political process directly, that too for a brief period. By and large, they did the same in the past and they are doing the same today.
The nationalities' question in Nepal is one among the unresolved issues. The activists and organizations of oppressed nationalities are involved in a tireless struggle to emancipate themselves from oppressive Khasa (Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sannesi) rule. Therefore, they are launching movements to establish autonomous regions of different nationalities. Many intellectuals and politicians, particularly of Khasa origin, are busy propagating that these movements could lead to Nepal's disintegration. Disintegration has its seeds in Khasa chauvinism and not in the oppressed nationalities' liberation endeavors. If Nepal stays stronger, it would stay stronger as the wonderful rainbow federation of different nationalities' autonomous regions/provinces/states. Hence, the forces that are spearheading these movements are contributing to the transformational process that builds a shinning Nepal. Multiculturalism and federalism are the two basic ingredients that are necessary to translate the slogan of a new Nepal into reality. The organizations leading the movements for Limbuvan, Khambuvan (or united Kirat), Madhesh, Tharuhat, Tambasaling, Tamuvan, Magarat (or united Tamumagarat), Khasan, Newa (or Nepah) are the torch bearers of multiculturalism and federalism. These endeavors deserve appreciation, support and salute.
There are political forces, which commanded strong popular support in the past, but now they are just like any other forces of status quo. The lead force in this category is none other than the "Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum" (Madhesi People's Rights Forum). Now, Madhesi Jan Adhikar (Rights of the Madhesi people) is just a begging pot for them. But they are not small-time beggars; they ask for ministerial berths. Eventually, these forces may not lead the process of transformation as people have already seen their greed, opportunist character and betrayal of their commitment. The Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (Tarai Madhes Democratic Party) is, somehow, an exception. Until now, they have successfully maintained their image of a force, which is committed to emancipation of Madhesi people.
A taxi driver from Butwal shared his frustrations and difficulties in managing daily survival and also shed light on some hopes. After a bit long conversation, he shared a secret that they had collected some money and wanted to donate that money to Matrika Yadav. Answering my question of selecting Matrika Yadav, he told that he (Matrika Yadav) sounds the only leader today who has no personal ambition and greed. So, the taxi driver's small community of transport workers collected some money and were trying to get touch with Matrika Yadav or his comrades to hand over that money. This sounds as a petty story. But the story states that the people at grassroots know the value of integrity, sincerity, trust and courage. Now in Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the reactivated party led by Matrika Yadav is one such party with radical change agenda and also it commands credible image. The reactivated Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) could be very small at this moment, but its support base is quite large. They could grow very fast. They are rich with invaluable experiences. They need refinement, correction and realignment. Moreover, they need to develop collective leadership in place of personality cult that over emphasizes on one-man's charisma. They could be one among the major instruments of change. And, together with other progressive political as well as social forces, they may lead the course of historic transformation of the Nepalese society. Thus, the rays of hope are not vanished. The forces that are playing pivotal roles for societal transformation are not absent. Certainly, the road is rough and tough and the weather is foggy, but the caravan has been marching forward energetically.
June, 2009
Posted on www.nepalipost.com (english section/news) on June 08, 2009
Saturday, January 24, 2009
New Nepal Not Yet: Mission Continues
Govinda Neupane
The declaration of Nepal as a republic had communicated the historic positive message that Nepal would enter into a new era of reconstruction that could give birth to a new beginning towards justice, equity and prosperity. It is true that within a few months nothing could be changed miraculously, but that time could be enough to consolidate hope, accelerate enthusiasm and formulate basic course to drive the nation to the right direction.
The Prime Minister sounds sensitive towards people's feelings but has shown inefficiency in addressing their needs and aspirations, pragmatically. Just nice speeches, strong threats and public posturing of statesmanship do no good if there are no actions that offer policy responses and operational arrangements. Loud talking, being emotional and doing nothing substantial could erode credibility, trust and reliability of any person including leaders. The same has happened to the Prime Minister. His image of a strong, visionary and revolutionary leader has been eroding every day. The same is true for his deputy, the scholar-politician Finance Minister. Opposite to his public image, he is busy in micro-management of economy and has degenerated himself as a tax administrator. The leadership of the government, primarily composed of these two leaders, thus, failed in generating hope and showing the seeds of a new beginning - the journey to societal transformation.
The Maoist party that has been providing leadership to the executive branch of the government has been busy in the process of self-deconstruction. Mixing sand in its fertile soil is the business what the Maoist party is busy with. The much hyped unity with the "Unity Center" is the evidence of this business. If the 'revolutionary leaders' of the CPN (UML), fringe left parties and even those of Congress would assimilate within the Maoist party, people may not be astonished, now.
The second largest party in the government, the CPN (UML) has been playing all roles, as usual. It is government. It is opposition. It is the alternative state. It is protector of the existing army. It is a bridge between opposition and government. It is everything. Hence, neither they carry credible image nor do they have courage to present themselves exactly what they are. The Maoist leadership knows this better than anybody else. Hence, neither they spend sleepless nights due to the vocal diarrhea of the UML leaders nor they are in the mood of celebration by hearing their rosy speeches.
The Congress party has never been proactive in its entire history. It is a reactive party by nature. Representing the interests of upper sections of the society, pursuing the capitalist ideology camouflaged as socialist and peddling through soft nationalism in regard to dealing with India are some of its core characteristics. Whether it is in the government or in opposition; the party doesn't change its operational modalities. It is just absent in actions related to mass awakening, people's empowerment and their wellbeing. Making its own cadres (particularly those who are around its leaders and their relatives) fat is the core business of the Congress bureaucracy. Therefore, it becomes no news when it makes no sound today.
The Madhesi parties are busy averting divisions within their own parties and among parties with the same agenda of "One Madhesh, One Pradesh (province)". They too are largely united around certain rhetoric and are happy being the champion of that rhetoric.
The parties of former royalists have nothing much to contribute to the reconstruction process and are just happy making their presence felt by attending one or the other gatherings.
The above analysis presents a gloomy picture in regard to the acts of the political actors. The loud talks of "New Nepal" and "Societal Transformation" sound just lifeless phrases.
Why all this looks like very negative phenomenon? This is not a negative interpretation of the reality. The reality itself is not illuminating. A few evidences might help to realize such phenomenon. We are having historic power-cut of 16 hours daily. The rate of inflation is above 14%. The share market has gone down by 48% in 4 months. Undisciplined ministers have finished the whole annual budget for foreign travel (allocated for the cabinet members) in less than 5 months. There is a crowd of 601 persons sitting in the International Conference Building without entering into their core business of drafting a new constitution. The drastic reduction of state presence, particularly in the countryside has resulted to near break-down of law and order. Moreover, the stated or unstated out sourcing of the state functions to vigilante groups have created multiple de-facto state actors making people most vulnerable to coercion, threats and intimidation. Hence, the central governance mechanism has been gradually loosing its control. These are just a few examples.
Why all this has been happening?
The superstructure is the reflection of the base. The fundamentals of the Nepalese society are still quite weak. A large section of the society is surviving in a situation of dire poverty. They do not have enough to eat. They have no time and resources to think about their development. The illiteracy is quite high. In such situation of illiteracy, talking about their level of critical awareness is just luxury. The child mortality, maternal mortality and average life expectancy are on the negative side. The social fabric of the society has been discriminatory in several areas, which includes but not limited to nationalities, gender, geographical region, social hierarchy including the infamous caste system. Organized social behavior is at its infancy at local level. The service delivery mechanism is either absent or non-functional in large part of the country. Therefore, the philosophically hi-tech, intellectually scholarly, attitudinally value driven and practically non-functional socio-political superstructure has failed to address the real issues not only at micro-level but also at macro-level. In such background, the political leadership is rich in distribution of dreams and strangely incompetent as well as unwilling to deliver anything substantial including policy formulations, programmatic responses, service delivery and even expressing genuinely sympathetic concerns. The Maoists during the time of "people's war" very much mobilized the people and ignited the course of societal transformation, which generated hope among the masses. But, their final journey to Singhadurbar (seat of political power in Kathmandu) under a power-sharing arrangement compelled them to abandon the course. Now, there is leadership vacuum at grassroots level. Hence, there are several splinter groups under different organizational banners competing against each other and also against the weak central government authority to rule over the territory of their influence.
Is there no hope at all?
There is hopelessness on one side, but also there is silver lining in the dark cloud. In 1951, Nepal had just one degree college. Now, within 60 years the number has jumped many folds. The same is applicable in areas of other infrastructures. Nepal is going through the process of tumultuous renewal. The governments of different times, including the one that of today, irresponsibly delayed the process of transformation. But, never have they succeeded in completely obstructing the process of change. Although, it was slow, the under-current of change never subsided. The anti-Rana rebellion of 1950s, anti-feudal Jhapa movement of 1970s, anti-Shah/Panchayat movement of 1980s, Maoists People's War of 1990s and 2000s and anti-monarchy people's movement of 2006 all added fuel in the lamp, which has been illuminating the Nepalese nation for a long time. Moreover, the lamp has been providing the light to all, who are marching forward with a desire of participating in the glorious campaign of human emancipation. Although, it is still not well organized and still lacks critical awareness, the Nepalese society is moving ahead through the processes of continuous renewal and mass awakening. The people at grassroots would continue the democratization process of their respective societies. Redistribution of power and resources has already been at the core of the grassroots agenda. Reorganization of the Nepalese society (that is free from Khasa chauvinism, male domination, internal colonization as well as regional neglect and Hindu caste hierarchy including the cruelty of untouchability) has been gaining momentum. All these factors together will contribute to build solid foundations to the new socio-political superstructures, which will ensure the success of the final leap of the reconstruction process that would crystallize democracy, social justice, basic equality and prosperity. This new leap may take several years to succeed, but certainly there would be that shinning Nepal, the new Nepal of our dream.
January 22, 2009
The declaration of Nepal as a republic had communicated the historic positive message that Nepal would enter into a new era of reconstruction that could give birth to a new beginning towards justice, equity and prosperity. It is true that within a few months nothing could be changed miraculously, but that time could be enough to consolidate hope, accelerate enthusiasm and formulate basic course to drive the nation to the right direction.
The Prime Minister sounds sensitive towards people's feelings but has shown inefficiency in addressing their needs and aspirations, pragmatically. Just nice speeches, strong threats and public posturing of statesmanship do no good if there are no actions that offer policy responses and operational arrangements. Loud talking, being emotional and doing nothing substantial could erode credibility, trust and reliability of any person including leaders. The same has happened to the Prime Minister. His image of a strong, visionary and revolutionary leader has been eroding every day. The same is true for his deputy, the scholar-politician Finance Minister. Opposite to his public image, he is busy in micro-management of economy and has degenerated himself as a tax administrator. The leadership of the government, primarily composed of these two leaders, thus, failed in generating hope and showing the seeds of a new beginning - the journey to societal transformation.
The Maoist party that has been providing leadership to the executive branch of the government has been busy in the process of self-deconstruction. Mixing sand in its fertile soil is the business what the Maoist party is busy with. The much hyped unity with the "Unity Center" is the evidence of this business. If the 'revolutionary leaders' of the CPN (UML), fringe left parties and even those of Congress would assimilate within the Maoist party, people may not be astonished, now.
The second largest party in the government, the CPN (UML) has been playing all roles, as usual. It is government. It is opposition. It is the alternative state. It is protector of the existing army. It is a bridge between opposition and government. It is everything. Hence, neither they carry credible image nor do they have courage to present themselves exactly what they are. The Maoist leadership knows this better than anybody else. Hence, neither they spend sleepless nights due to the vocal diarrhea of the UML leaders nor they are in the mood of celebration by hearing their rosy speeches.
The Congress party has never been proactive in its entire history. It is a reactive party by nature. Representing the interests of upper sections of the society, pursuing the capitalist ideology camouflaged as socialist and peddling through soft nationalism in regard to dealing with India are some of its core characteristics. Whether it is in the government or in opposition; the party doesn't change its operational modalities. It is just absent in actions related to mass awakening, people's empowerment and their wellbeing. Making its own cadres (particularly those who are around its leaders and their relatives) fat is the core business of the Congress bureaucracy. Therefore, it becomes no news when it makes no sound today.
The Madhesi parties are busy averting divisions within their own parties and among parties with the same agenda of "One Madhesh, One Pradesh (province)". They too are largely united around certain rhetoric and are happy being the champion of that rhetoric.
The parties of former royalists have nothing much to contribute to the reconstruction process and are just happy making their presence felt by attending one or the other gatherings.
The above analysis presents a gloomy picture in regard to the acts of the political actors. The loud talks of "New Nepal" and "Societal Transformation" sound just lifeless phrases.
Why all this looks like very negative phenomenon? This is not a negative interpretation of the reality. The reality itself is not illuminating. A few evidences might help to realize such phenomenon. We are having historic power-cut of 16 hours daily. The rate of inflation is above 14%. The share market has gone down by 48% in 4 months. Undisciplined ministers have finished the whole annual budget for foreign travel (allocated for the cabinet members) in less than 5 months. There is a crowd of 601 persons sitting in the International Conference Building without entering into their core business of drafting a new constitution. The drastic reduction of state presence, particularly in the countryside has resulted to near break-down of law and order. Moreover, the stated or unstated out sourcing of the state functions to vigilante groups have created multiple de-facto state actors making people most vulnerable to coercion, threats and intimidation. Hence, the central governance mechanism has been gradually loosing its control. These are just a few examples.
Why all this has been happening?
The superstructure is the reflection of the base. The fundamentals of the Nepalese society are still quite weak. A large section of the society is surviving in a situation of dire poverty. They do not have enough to eat. They have no time and resources to think about their development. The illiteracy is quite high. In such situation of illiteracy, talking about their level of critical awareness is just luxury. The child mortality, maternal mortality and average life expectancy are on the negative side. The social fabric of the society has been discriminatory in several areas, which includes but not limited to nationalities, gender, geographical region, social hierarchy including the infamous caste system. Organized social behavior is at its infancy at local level. The service delivery mechanism is either absent or non-functional in large part of the country. Therefore, the philosophically hi-tech, intellectually scholarly, attitudinally value driven and practically non-functional socio-political superstructure has failed to address the real issues not only at micro-level but also at macro-level. In such background, the political leadership is rich in distribution of dreams and strangely incompetent as well as unwilling to deliver anything substantial including policy formulations, programmatic responses, service delivery and even expressing genuinely sympathetic concerns. The Maoists during the time of "people's war" very much mobilized the people and ignited the course of societal transformation, which generated hope among the masses. But, their final journey to Singhadurbar (seat of political power in Kathmandu) under a power-sharing arrangement compelled them to abandon the course. Now, there is leadership vacuum at grassroots level. Hence, there are several splinter groups under different organizational banners competing against each other and also against the weak central government authority to rule over the territory of their influence.
Is there no hope at all?
There is hopelessness on one side, but also there is silver lining in the dark cloud. In 1951, Nepal had just one degree college. Now, within 60 years the number has jumped many folds. The same is applicable in areas of other infrastructures. Nepal is going through the process of tumultuous renewal. The governments of different times, including the one that of today, irresponsibly delayed the process of transformation. But, never have they succeeded in completely obstructing the process of change. Although, it was slow, the under-current of change never subsided. The anti-Rana rebellion of 1950s, anti-feudal Jhapa movement of 1970s, anti-Shah/Panchayat movement of 1980s, Maoists People's War of 1990s and 2000s and anti-monarchy people's movement of 2006 all added fuel in the lamp, which has been illuminating the Nepalese nation for a long time. Moreover, the lamp has been providing the light to all, who are marching forward with a desire of participating in the glorious campaign of human emancipation. Although, it is still not well organized and still lacks critical awareness, the Nepalese society is moving ahead through the processes of continuous renewal and mass awakening. The people at grassroots would continue the democratization process of their respective societies. Redistribution of power and resources has already been at the core of the grassroots agenda. Reorganization of the Nepalese society (that is free from Khasa chauvinism, male domination, internal colonization as well as regional neglect and Hindu caste hierarchy including the cruelty of untouchability) has been gaining momentum. All these factors together will contribute to build solid foundations to the new socio-political superstructures, which will ensure the success of the final leap of the reconstruction process that would crystallize democracy, social justice, basic equality and prosperity. This new leap may take several years to succeed, but certainly there would be that shinning Nepal, the new Nepal of our dream.
January 22, 2009
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