- Govinda Neupane
The events in Nepal are heralding to a very different scenario than what the people had expected from the “Spring Thunder, 2006”. The historic people’s movement succeeded in snatching power from the tyrant-king and handed it over to a new ruling coalition of all the major political parties. The beginning was messy, but that could be so due to factors influencing the transition. The then seven-party alliance government got new partner when the Maoists joined the interim government. The expectations of the people were that the government would provide immediate relief to their difficulties and ensure brighter future by designing a system that could open up the flood-gate of peace, democracy, civil liberty, social equity, economic prosperity and all round development. Instead of delivering seeds to address these expectations, the governing parties started their bull-fights publicly to get a few more positions in the government and a few more positions here and there such as vice chancellors of the universities. Nepalese people started to show frustrations and that further gave way to either hopelessness or rebellion. The Madhesi revolt is the most prominent among all. Finally, the Maoists came out of the government fearing that they also will loose all their credibility and popular base. In the course of reaching to this decision, the Maoist cadres had pressurized the leadership tremendously. To give the disassociation some political color, the Maoists put forward the demand for immediate declaration of the republic and acceptance of the proportional representation system. Also, they called for the special session of the parliament. Although, these demands were meritorious, genuine and progressive, the Nepali way of barter system in politics resulted to some bizarre arrangements, such as increasing the number of seats in the Constituent Assembly to 601.
The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) is gender neutral, politically. Therefore, it entered into an understanding with the Maoists and got the Maoist’s proposals endorsed by the parliament camouflaging one of the proposals as its own amendment to the original one. Of course, this is surprising, but more surprising is that the UML has been interpreting its move as part of the reconciliation effort. The Nepali Congress hurt and bewildered was under tremendous moral pressure but as a seasoned player of the Nepali power politics; it managed to get a way out through new power-sharing arrangements. The Maoists are happy as the UML leadership has been chewing tastefully the green grass offered to it in the form of the position of the Prime Minister. On the other side, the UML deeply divided over the issue had to face the serious challenge of vertical split in regard to tactical political line. The left-leaning group together with one faction of the opportunists inside the UML was moving closer to the Maoists whereas the right-leaning group together with another set of the opportunists was creeping towards the Nepali Congress. As lions sitting comfortably under the branches of a large tree, the Congress and the Maoists were waiting patiently the fall of the monkeys on their respective laps. But, the new political seize-fire gave the breathing space to the UML too.
All the unpredictable behaviors of the ruling parties are part of the larger political anarchy seen in Kathmandu. For several months, people are hearing about several leaders sneaking inside Baluwatar Durbar and coming out many times in a day or in a week. These types of circuses have been continuing in Singh Durbar too whether it is parliament or the cabinet or the central secretariat. The individuals have become larger than events and the events are seen as larger than any ideas and ideologies. This is unfortunate but true. Therefore, the people have not only been feeling allergic, but have developed hatred towards such acts and actions.
The political plays as mentioned above are being continuously performed in the amphitheatre of comatose Kathmandu, whereas in Madhes, the people of oppressed nationalities and marginalized sections have been launching their movements for several months to establish a just and equitable socio-political order. And, also secessionist forces together with many more groups and gangs are orchestrating the blood bath for realizing different objectives including but not limited to federalism, autonomy and independent statehood. Weak and demoralized, the major players of the Kathmandu political fraternity could be seen most occasionally in this part, particularly in the central and eastern Madhes. In the western Madhes, the Maoist writ still runs effectively. The exceptions are District Headquarters and major highways. The northern hills and mountains, indifferent to the political events in Kathmandu and full blown revolt in the southern plains, have been continuing to fly the Maoist red flag all over there baring a few District Headquarters. Sometimes, it is confusing that the Maoists at the villages and the districts are the disconnected lots from the central leadership or they are the units of the centrally connected single Maoist entity. If they are one, then they are working with two pronged strategy – entertain upper class friends in Kathmandu and do the business of governance with the working masses elsewhere, particularly in the hills and mountains. Hence, there are three Nepals now if seen from the perspective of de facto governance. 1) The six-party alliance plus rule in Kathmandu valley and District Headquarters outside. 2) The Maoist rule in the hills, mountains and western Madhes. 3) Dominance of secessionist forces in the central and eastern part of Madhes.
More recently, the mainstream political big-wigs from Madhes have resigned from the Khas dominated central government, parliament and political parties and have declared to form a Madhesi Democratic Party. This new development may bring synergy to a more powerful Madhesi movement with a goal to establish an autonomous federal Madhes region. If they will fail together with another major political player the "Madhesi Jana Adhikar Forum" as in the case of Sri Lankan Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), certainly the Liberation Elam of Tamil Tigers (LTTE)type secessionist forces in Madhes will emerge as the major forces, which may dominate the Madhes region for decades. Unaware of these developments or dictated by their narrow partisan objectives, the major political parties in Kathmandu are just pretending that the unrest in the Madhes region and dissatisfaction among Janajatis and Dalits are nothing more than bubbles. In reality, the national disintegration in the form of de-facto governance has already taken place and if the same trend continues for some time, the political and geographical disintegration of Nepal may become the unfortunate reality.
The ‘big cats’ of the Nepalese politics are not only ignorant of this emerging reality but also they are arrogant. Rather than utilizing the precious time to address the fundamentally important issues of restructuring the state, institutionalizing democracy and building foundation for socio-economic prosperity, these Kathmandu actors invested all their time and energy to keep their unnatural alliance intact and share the fruits of power among themselves. Now, there are three options that could give some hope. 1) If the political activists of the ruling alliance and many other parties could start bombarding their respective Headquarters, snatch leadership power and initiate the process of state building and democratization through incorporation of social and economic justice, federalism and multiculturalism, there could be a ray of hope. 2) If the oppressed nationalities, particularly the Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits, Khas of Khasan region and Newars could snatch state power from the Khas barons in Kathmandu and share power with all nationalities including the Khas people, particularly the neglected Khas of the Karnali region (Khasan) and start building a genuinely unified Nepal, there could be another ray of hope. And, 3) if the village and district level Maoist cadres could exert tremendous pressure on their leadership and succeed to change their comrades at higher levels and start practicing political pluralism, socio-economic justice and rule of law at the grassroots, there could be another ray of hope. Now, the paradigm has shifted. All hopes are centered around the grassroots activism and not on the acts and actions of the ‘big cats’ in Kathmandu. It may take time but certainly that would ensure building a new society and a new common homeland; the inclusive, prosperous and democratic Nepal.
December, 2007
Saturday, December 29, 2007
Tuesday, October 09, 2007
Some Reflections on Societal Transformation
Some Reflections on Societal Transformation
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply to a friend of mine emailed in October 09, 2007)
I read your thought provoking, candid and emotionally stimulating email. I have the following to share with you.
The contemporary cultural values and social norms limit the sense of reasoning and logic system. The creamy layer of our society simply inherited the feudal values and norms and blended them with the greedy attitudes and behaviors, which they imported from the capitalist world. These hybrid crooks became insensitive towards others' needs and lost empathy and developed greed of infinite nature. Hence, many political leaders, high level bureaucrats, business tycoons, 'civil society' barons (actually, with a few exceptions they are political crooks outsourced by their political parties) and criminal gangsters individually as well as collectively are ruling over a large number of innocent people. It is good that the people know now the reality and have developed deep sense of hatred towards these elements. The seen and unseen fights are going on as the contradictions are deepening between these elements and the people at large. The events that are taking place everywhere in Nepal today are creating foundation for the structural change. The radical workers at the grassroots though have no face are contributing immensely in this process of grassroots transformation. Hence, the culture of subjugation, lethargy, oppression and exploitation has been in constant challenge and will be defeated sooner than later.
You have strongly pleaded for going to villages, learning from the people and respecting their labor: There are many ways of learning and going to villages and learning from them is one. You are right that most of the people in the urban areas have no idea how hard is the life of the peasantry in the villages. But it is equally true that those upper class people in the villages also have no sensitivity towards the have-not sections of their own society there. Therefore, direct observations may provide the environment to learn but that not necessarily makes the observer empathetic and sensible. In the traditional class society, the economic and political contradictions on one side and being too much accustomed to existing social as well as cultural practices on the other prevent the scope of further learning. Moreover, being directly influenced by their own class interests discourages the crooks mentioned above in rectifying their behaviors. Similarly, respecting labor is what we do not see here. That could come either through the cultural inheritance as in the case of western society or through enlightenment as in the case of Buddha. But, here the social norms promote disrespect towards labor and enlightenment does not come through educational degrees, particularly through the curriculum designed to glorify Bahun culture and strengthen Khas chauvinism. Of course, I do agree with you that going to Bhaktapur and seeing a 70-years old peasant working down to dusk in the field (as you have mentioned) helps some one who is ignorant but that would not make any difference to an arrogant. The key phrases here, I believe, are ignorance, arrogance and class interest. Most of the leaders you are critical of are arrogant and not simply ignorant. People and politics are their cosmetics and corruption is their religion. But, I think, in a given stage of a transitional society, it is an unavoidable course. The good part is that the radical cadres at the grassroots are informed now, the common men and women in the streets have been seeing the visuals and a critical mass is being created, which is expanding rapidly. You and I and many more are the products of this glorious process. Therefore, the doomsday is not our future; we certainly will have a society far better than what we have today.
I appreciate that you have ventilated your concerns, feelings and suggestions in such a way that it stimulates thinking and leads to venturing into the critical appraisal of the situation. Please continue your marvelous search process by sustaining enthusiasm,generating intellectual energy and enriching through sharing and feedback.
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply to a friend of mine emailed in October 09, 2007)
I read your thought provoking, candid and emotionally stimulating email. I have the following to share with you.
The contemporary cultural values and social norms limit the sense of reasoning and logic system. The creamy layer of our society simply inherited the feudal values and norms and blended them with the greedy attitudes and behaviors, which they imported from the capitalist world. These hybrid crooks became insensitive towards others' needs and lost empathy and developed greed of infinite nature. Hence, many political leaders, high level bureaucrats, business tycoons, 'civil society' barons (actually, with a few exceptions they are political crooks outsourced by their political parties) and criminal gangsters individually as well as collectively are ruling over a large number of innocent people. It is good that the people know now the reality and have developed deep sense of hatred towards these elements. The seen and unseen fights are going on as the contradictions are deepening between these elements and the people at large. The events that are taking place everywhere in Nepal today are creating foundation for the structural change. The radical workers at the grassroots though have no face are contributing immensely in this process of grassroots transformation. Hence, the culture of subjugation, lethargy, oppression and exploitation has been in constant challenge and will be defeated sooner than later.
You have strongly pleaded for going to villages, learning from the people and respecting their labor: There are many ways of learning and going to villages and learning from them is one. You are right that most of the people in the urban areas have no idea how hard is the life of the peasantry in the villages. But it is equally true that those upper class people in the villages also have no sensitivity towards the have-not sections of their own society there. Therefore, direct observations may provide the environment to learn but that not necessarily makes the observer empathetic and sensible. In the traditional class society, the economic and political contradictions on one side and being too much accustomed to existing social as well as cultural practices on the other prevent the scope of further learning. Moreover, being directly influenced by their own class interests discourages the crooks mentioned above in rectifying their behaviors. Similarly, respecting labor is what we do not see here. That could come either through the cultural inheritance as in the case of western society or through enlightenment as in the case of Buddha. But, here the social norms promote disrespect towards labor and enlightenment does not come through educational degrees, particularly through the curriculum designed to glorify Bahun culture and strengthen Khas chauvinism. Of course, I do agree with you that going to Bhaktapur and seeing a 70-years old peasant working down to dusk in the field (as you have mentioned) helps some one who is ignorant but that would not make any difference to an arrogant. The key phrases here, I believe, are ignorance, arrogance and class interest. Most of the leaders you are critical of are arrogant and not simply ignorant. People and politics are their cosmetics and corruption is their religion. But, I think, in a given stage of a transitional society, it is an unavoidable course. The good part is that the radical cadres at the grassroots are informed now, the common men and women in the streets have been seeing the visuals and a critical mass is being created, which is expanding rapidly. You and I and many more are the products of this glorious process. Therefore, the doomsday is not our future; we certainly will have a society far better than what we have today.
I appreciate that you have ventilated your concerns, feelings and suggestions in such a way that it stimulates thinking and leads to venturing into the critical appraisal of the situation. Please continue your marvelous search process by sustaining enthusiasm,generating intellectual energy and enriching through sharing and feedback.
Saturday, September 01, 2007
Nepal Reality Check III: Cloudy Political Environment and CA Election
Nepal Reality Check III: Cloudy Political Environment and CA Election
- Govinda Neupane
1. After the "Spring Thunder 2006", Nepal has entered into a new political amphitheatre called democracy. To institutionalize democracy, every political party and almost all of the sensible individuals talk about the election of the constituent assembly. The term "democracy" has become extremely popular. Even common men and women in the street are familiar with this word, though they may not know its operational definition and practical relevance.
In this environment, the political parties are busy in expanding the size of their entity. The Nepali Congress, as usual, has been busy bullying other parties. The party has all ingredients of the qualities of a feudal lord. The Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist or UML) has been playing its evergreen role of being both - the government and opposition, at the same time. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been ferrying its politico-military boat in an environment of heavy turbulence. Their unpredictable landing in Kathmandu surprised many people including their own cadres, supporters and sympathizers. The transition from a leader of the grassroots revolutionary transformation process to a political entity championing the sober evolutionary agenda, perhaps, has become too difficult to manage. The other small parties are anyway smaller and their impact is also quite limited on national politics.
2. The nationalities and regions have been forwarding their list of demands. The most prominent among them are the Madhesis and Janajatis. Among the Madhesis, all factions of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (Democratic Tarai Liberation Front) have been busy in fire fights. They have been pursuing the separatist agenda. The Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (Forum for the Madhesi People's Rights) has no strong cadre base or organizational strength. Therefore, the recent agreement between the Forum and the government may not solve the problem and the movement will continue a bit differently. The Sadbhavana Party is busy in its in-house business of splits and unifications. May be, it will also come out of its cocoon and will participate in the struggle to realize the Madhisis' dream. Now, if the Madhesi people and organizations sit together to give a decisive push in regard to political awareness and common demands, they are in a position of strength. The Janajatis also are quite organized and have formulated their demands and could create tremendous pressure. But, the NGO-like Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities may not have the charisma, vigor, vision and strategies to mobilize its constituencies to launch a decisive struggle. Their recent agreement with the government shows their limitations. The Madhesis and the janajatis have rightly raised the issues of proportional representation, federalism and national autonomy. Until the Khasa rulers in Kathmandu ignore these demands, the reconciliation among different nationalities could not be attained. Are the Khasa rulers listening? Are they ready to relinquish their superior political position? Are they ready to come out of their Khasa chauvinist mind set?
The Dalits too are more organized than they were in the past. Still they have no nationwide Dalit organization (except Dalit NGOs) and also have not crystallized their demands like that of Madhesis. They could organize themselves nationally around four issues - reparation, reservation, national minority rights and preferential treatment to mainstream.
3. There is a big gap between distribution of slogans and capacity to deliver. The government in Kathmandu is just a de'jure government in the broader sense of governance covering entire Nepal. The parliament and the cabinet are nothing more than the rubber stamps of the council of Superior Political Generals (SPGs) of the eight-party political coalition, which makes decision outside the parliament and the cabinet. The parliament and the cabinet just endorse, if and when the political bigwigs (particularly the Big Three SPGs representing Congress, UML and Maoist) want them to do so. The parliament is not a real legislative house today. It has its ornamental value in clapping 'to pass' some of the bills tabled and has provided chairs, prestige and perks for several politicians and their friends. Some parties in government also run separate government of their own. Particularly, the Maoists are running the parallel government in the large part of Nepal. Even in Kathmandu, their writ runs effectively. They have their own tax collection systems to justice delivery mechanisms in place. The other important development is that the Maoist cadres at the grassroots have not abandoned their ideals, zeal and practices. This has been seen in the 'much criticized acts and activities' of the Young Communist League (YCL) and many more local units of the party and its other sister organizations.
4. Now, Nepal is passing through the situation of uncertainties, upheavals, turmoil and turbulences. The lead actors, who confront within and outside themselves include the parliamentary political forces represented by the Congress and the UML, the radical reformist forces represented by the mainstream Maoists, the forces for socio-political justice and equity represented by several Madhesi, Janajati, Dalit and women groups and the transformational forces represented by the grassroots radical cadres and groups spread all over the country. All these four groups are trying to maximizing their influences through legitimate or illegitimate means.
The common people are imagining that the election of the constituent assembly will solve all their problems. For them, he or she who casts a shadow over it is a villain. Naturally, no main stream political force likes to show as playing the role of a villain. For this reason, all the main stream political forces are collectively talking about the constituent assembly with or without any personal or organizational sense of responsibility. One among the main political actors has already started to talk privately about converting the present parliament into the constituent assembly and get the constitution ratified through the referendum. The second actor has been suggesting postponing the election for another half year. And, the third actor has an internal assessment that the election could not be organized in time anyway (?); so harvest all benefits pretending that it is the only force fully committed for the election. They should abandon such thinking, if they say that they value the importance of people's mandate.
In reality, the socio-political and economic base of our society has its limitation in producing a large critical mass. The critical political awareness among the masses is in its infancy. The organizational infrastructure at the grassroots is in its initial phase. The fast changing reality of a Village Nepal, particularly in area of literacy, certainly, has been speeding up the process; but still lacks the minimum ingredients to cook a tasty as well as healthy socio-political meal. Until and unless the foundation for democracy has been build through education, socio-political awareness and wealth creation, there may not be any sustainable arrangement for vibrant democracy. To build and sustain functional democracy, we have to go through several rehearsals, exercises and experimental acts and activities. The same is happening today. The election of the constituent assembly could be one such exercise. Therefore, irrespective of what the other actors wish, whatever small the critical mass is, the critically aware and socially responsible citizens should continue to press for the election making the objectives clear that this could be a great opportunity for educating the masses, bringing out the specifics of their aspirations and designing a system that would be at least better than what we have today. So, individually as well as collectively, we should recollect, chant and follow the famous Vedic hymn - Charaibeti, Charaibeti (Move Forward, Move Forward!).
September 01, 2007
- Govinda Neupane
1. After the "Spring Thunder 2006", Nepal has entered into a new political amphitheatre called democracy. To institutionalize democracy, every political party and almost all of the sensible individuals talk about the election of the constituent assembly. The term "democracy" has become extremely popular. Even common men and women in the street are familiar with this word, though they may not know its operational definition and practical relevance.
In this environment, the political parties are busy in expanding the size of their entity. The Nepali Congress, as usual, has been busy bullying other parties. The party has all ingredients of the qualities of a feudal lord. The Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist or UML) has been playing its evergreen role of being both - the government and opposition, at the same time. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been ferrying its politico-military boat in an environment of heavy turbulence. Their unpredictable landing in Kathmandu surprised many people including their own cadres, supporters and sympathizers. The transition from a leader of the grassroots revolutionary transformation process to a political entity championing the sober evolutionary agenda, perhaps, has become too difficult to manage. The other small parties are anyway smaller and their impact is also quite limited on national politics.
2. The nationalities and regions have been forwarding their list of demands. The most prominent among them are the Madhesis and Janajatis. Among the Madhesis, all factions of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (Democratic Tarai Liberation Front) have been busy in fire fights. They have been pursuing the separatist agenda. The Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (Forum for the Madhesi People's Rights) has no strong cadre base or organizational strength. Therefore, the recent agreement between the Forum and the government may not solve the problem and the movement will continue a bit differently. The Sadbhavana Party is busy in its in-house business of splits and unifications. May be, it will also come out of its cocoon and will participate in the struggle to realize the Madhisis' dream. Now, if the Madhesi people and organizations sit together to give a decisive push in regard to political awareness and common demands, they are in a position of strength. The Janajatis also are quite organized and have formulated their demands and could create tremendous pressure. But, the NGO-like Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities may not have the charisma, vigor, vision and strategies to mobilize its constituencies to launch a decisive struggle. Their recent agreement with the government shows their limitations. The Madhesis and the janajatis have rightly raised the issues of proportional representation, federalism and national autonomy. Until the Khasa rulers in Kathmandu ignore these demands, the reconciliation among different nationalities could not be attained. Are the Khasa rulers listening? Are they ready to relinquish their superior political position? Are they ready to come out of their Khasa chauvinist mind set?
The Dalits too are more organized than they were in the past. Still they have no nationwide Dalit organization (except Dalit NGOs) and also have not crystallized their demands like that of Madhesis. They could organize themselves nationally around four issues - reparation, reservation, national minority rights and preferential treatment to mainstream.
3. There is a big gap between distribution of slogans and capacity to deliver. The government in Kathmandu is just a de'jure government in the broader sense of governance covering entire Nepal. The parliament and the cabinet are nothing more than the rubber stamps of the council of Superior Political Generals (SPGs) of the eight-party political coalition, which makes decision outside the parliament and the cabinet. The parliament and the cabinet just endorse, if and when the political bigwigs (particularly the Big Three SPGs representing Congress, UML and Maoist) want them to do so. The parliament is not a real legislative house today. It has its ornamental value in clapping 'to pass' some of the bills tabled and has provided chairs, prestige and perks for several politicians and their friends. Some parties in government also run separate government of their own. Particularly, the Maoists are running the parallel government in the large part of Nepal. Even in Kathmandu, their writ runs effectively. They have their own tax collection systems to justice delivery mechanisms in place. The other important development is that the Maoist cadres at the grassroots have not abandoned their ideals, zeal and practices. This has been seen in the 'much criticized acts and activities' of the Young Communist League (YCL) and many more local units of the party and its other sister organizations.
4. Now, Nepal is passing through the situation of uncertainties, upheavals, turmoil and turbulences. The lead actors, who confront within and outside themselves include the parliamentary political forces represented by the Congress and the UML, the radical reformist forces represented by the mainstream Maoists, the forces for socio-political justice and equity represented by several Madhesi, Janajati, Dalit and women groups and the transformational forces represented by the grassroots radical cadres and groups spread all over the country. All these four groups are trying to maximizing their influences through legitimate or illegitimate means.
The common people are imagining that the election of the constituent assembly will solve all their problems. For them, he or she who casts a shadow over it is a villain. Naturally, no main stream political force likes to show as playing the role of a villain. For this reason, all the main stream political forces are collectively talking about the constituent assembly with or without any personal or organizational sense of responsibility. One among the main political actors has already started to talk privately about converting the present parliament into the constituent assembly and get the constitution ratified through the referendum. The second actor has been suggesting postponing the election for another half year. And, the third actor has an internal assessment that the election could not be organized in time anyway (?); so harvest all benefits pretending that it is the only force fully committed for the election. They should abandon such thinking, if they say that they value the importance of people's mandate.
In reality, the socio-political and economic base of our society has its limitation in producing a large critical mass. The critical political awareness among the masses is in its infancy. The organizational infrastructure at the grassroots is in its initial phase. The fast changing reality of a Village Nepal, particularly in area of literacy, certainly, has been speeding up the process; but still lacks the minimum ingredients to cook a tasty as well as healthy socio-political meal. Until and unless the foundation for democracy has been build through education, socio-political awareness and wealth creation, there may not be any sustainable arrangement for vibrant democracy. To build and sustain functional democracy, we have to go through several rehearsals, exercises and experimental acts and activities. The same is happening today. The election of the constituent assembly could be one such exercise. Therefore, irrespective of what the other actors wish, whatever small the critical mass is, the critically aware and socially responsible citizens should continue to press for the election making the objectives clear that this could be a great opportunity for educating the masses, bringing out the specifics of their aspirations and designing a system that would be at least better than what we have today. So, individually as well as collectively, we should recollect, chant and follow the famous Vedic hymn - Charaibeti, Charaibeti (Move Forward, Move Forward!).
September 01, 2007
Tuesday, February 06, 2007
Khas Chauvinism and Madhesi Revolt
Khas Chauvinism and Madhesi Revolt
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply to a friend of mine emailed on February 06, 2007. I have just taken out some personal references.)
I fully agree with you that Nepal should not disintegrate. But, I do not see the ongoing movement in Madhesh as a separatist rebellion either in its motive or design. The movement has justice and equity at its core. Not only the Madhesis, but also the MagolKirats (Janajati), Dalits and Newars have been subjected to unimaginable humiliations and sufferings by the Khas rulers in Kathmandu. These rulers include Gorkha kings, Rana rulers and the 'elected' Khas political lords. The Khas leaders of different political parties and their regime in Kathmandu are trying to justify the Khas chauvinist massacre against a suffering Madhesi nationality by defaming the movement as orchestrated or heavily infiltrated by the regressive monarchist's forces. Sure, there could be infiltration. But, in the name of infiltration nobody could justify the barbaric actions against the demonstrators. Khas leaders are the champions of double speak. They are talking about republic on one side, and are maintaining the royal guardianship on the other, to take refuse if and when there is a need. Therefore, when Madhesis rise today, the Khas political lords in Kathmandu brought their beloved guardian - the king to use him as a villain. At the same time, they are ensuring his continuity and comfort in Narayanhiti. By making him either a hero or a villain, probably in both ways, the Khas political lords need his blessings. Otherwise, why the crowd assembled in the legislature could not clap standing for five minutes to declare that "Nepal is a republic effective 1700 hours, February 07, 2007"?
I agree with you that the home minister is a person of sound temperament. He looks so. Therefore, he is a notorious criminal. The person with a sound temperament if orders for such killings that person should be tried for his crime against humanity. Hence, my proposal is that all guilty Khas leaders and their cronies including the home minister should be tried in a court of justice.
Your concern regarding foreign interference also has its merit to talk about. When there is opportunity, everybody tries to grab it. Therefore, if India comes to fish as you have mentioned, I think it is nothing surprising. Now, not the Madhesi people, but the ruling Khas-led parties are pro-Indian. Therefore, if you could not refrain from blaming India, blame India through the route of Khas regime and their political parties in Kathmandu, not through the Madhesis, the suffering humanity.
I like your pleading of the 'free press in democracy'. But, how ethical and professional are the journalists in Nepal? Are they embedded with the repressive Khas administration? One has to examine first. Is it that a Fox news reporter from an American military bunker reporting from Iraq is their idol? If so, ask the presspersons first to be liberated from the Khas chauvinist mindset and to resist the pressure tactics of the Khas administration. Not only that they need to behave as professional journalists, but also they should not function as cardholders of any political party. You could see the studied silence among a large part of the so-called civil society in Kathmandu. Some of the big names have jumped for the protection of the chauvinist Khas regime by bringing the lofty banner of 'press freedom'. They have no sympathy towards the bleeding Madhesis. Perhaps, they consider them as 'inferior' and believe that their killing is natural by the 'superior' regime. Dr. Devendra Raj Pandey is the only exception among the big names of the civil society personalities of Khas origin. I salute him for his patriotism, human sensitivity and solidarity with the oppressed masses.
In the past also, I have argued with you that the nationalities' question in Nepal is really complex. When the Khas brutality expanded the Madhesh agitation to the scale of revolt participated in by hundreds of thousands of people, the Khas regime in Kathmandu started to feel its heat. The cunning Khas leaders began to wash their hands publicly and are busy, now, talking about solidarity with the Madhesis. The blunt types are in a situation of isolation. But, they are together to maintain their control. They are readying themselves for the brutal suppression. As a result, the revolt could be crushed through brutality, but the rebellion will continue in several forms - guerrilla actions, armed insurrection, protracted war, communal upsurge, peaceful protest and so on. It could pass through two different processes - first, the movement could take the path of nationality war as that in Sri Lanka. There could be the communal divide, ethnic segregation and conflict. And, the result would be disintegration of Nepal as Yugoslavia. Second, oppressed nationalities and the progressive political as well as social elements among the Khasas will join the movement. Their unified mass movement or a mass movement launched by an oppressed nationality including the Madhesis will gain unprecedented momentum. And, the Khas regime will collapse under its pressure. In both situations, the Khas ruling clique has no future. But, in the second course, Nepal has its future. Therefore, I believe, you and I should stand together for the second course. Let's stand for multiculturalism. Let's stand for federalism. Let's stand for autonomous governance mechanisms of the nationalities including the right to self-determination. And, let's denounce the brutality of the Khas regime including the killing of more than 24 people already, injuring thousands and adding fuel to fire that hurt the collectively glorious Nepali identity.
February 06, 2007
- Govinda Neupane
(This is my reply to a friend of mine emailed on February 06, 2007. I have just taken out some personal references.)
I fully agree with you that Nepal should not disintegrate. But, I do not see the ongoing movement in Madhesh as a separatist rebellion either in its motive or design. The movement has justice and equity at its core. Not only the Madhesis, but also the MagolKirats (Janajati), Dalits and Newars have been subjected to unimaginable humiliations and sufferings by the Khas rulers in Kathmandu. These rulers include Gorkha kings, Rana rulers and the 'elected' Khas political lords. The Khas leaders of different political parties and their regime in Kathmandu are trying to justify the Khas chauvinist massacre against a suffering Madhesi nationality by defaming the movement as orchestrated or heavily infiltrated by the regressive monarchist's forces. Sure, there could be infiltration. But, in the name of infiltration nobody could justify the barbaric actions against the demonstrators. Khas leaders are the champions of double speak. They are talking about republic on one side, and are maintaining the royal guardianship on the other, to take refuse if and when there is a need. Therefore, when Madhesis rise today, the Khas political lords in Kathmandu brought their beloved guardian - the king to use him as a villain. At the same time, they are ensuring his continuity and comfort in Narayanhiti. By making him either a hero or a villain, probably in both ways, the Khas political lords need his blessings. Otherwise, why the crowd assembled in the legislature could not clap standing for five minutes to declare that "Nepal is a republic effective 1700 hours, February 07, 2007"?
I agree with you that the home minister is a person of sound temperament. He looks so. Therefore, he is a notorious criminal. The person with a sound temperament if orders for such killings that person should be tried for his crime against humanity. Hence, my proposal is that all guilty Khas leaders and their cronies including the home minister should be tried in a court of justice.
Your concern regarding foreign interference also has its merit to talk about. When there is opportunity, everybody tries to grab it. Therefore, if India comes to fish as you have mentioned, I think it is nothing surprising. Now, not the Madhesi people, but the ruling Khas-led parties are pro-Indian. Therefore, if you could not refrain from blaming India, blame India through the route of Khas regime and their political parties in Kathmandu, not through the Madhesis, the suffering humanity.
I like your pleading of the 'free press in democracy'. But, how ethical and professional are the journalists in Nepal? Are they embedded with the repressive Khas administration? One has to examine first. Is it that a Fox news reporter from an American military bunker reporting from Iraq is their idol? If so, ask the presspersons first to be liberated from the Khas chauvinist mindset and to resist the pressure tactics of the Khas administration. Not only that they need to behave as professional journalists, but also they should not function as cardholders of any political party. You could see the studied silence among a large part of the so-called civil society in Kathmandu. Some of the big names have jumped for the protection of the chauvinist Khas regime by bringing the lofty banner of 'press freedom'. They have no sympathy towards the bleeding Madhesis. Perhaps, they consider them as 'inferior' and believe that their killing is natural by the 'superior' regime. Dr. Devendra Raj Pandey is the only exception among the big names of the civil society personalities of Khas origin. I salute him for his patriotism, human sensitivity and solidarity with the oppressed masses.
In the past also, I have argued with you that the nationalities' question in Nepal is really complex. When the Khas brutality expanded the Madhesh agitation to the scale of revolt participated in by hundreds of thousands of people, the Khas regime in Kathmandu started to feel its heat. The cunning Khas leaders began to wash their hands publicly and are busy, now, talking about solidarity with the Madhesis. The blunt types are in a situation of isolation. But, they are together to maintain their control. They are readying themselves for the brutal suppression. As a result, the revolt could be crushed through brutality, but the rebellion will continue in several forms - guerrilla actions, armed insurrection, protracted war, communal upsurge, peaceful protest and so on. It could pass through two different processes - first, the movement could take the path of nationality war as that in Sri Lanka. There could be the communal divide, ethnic segregation and conflict. And, the result would be disintegration of Nepal as Yugoslavia. Second, oppressed nationalities and the progressive political as well as social elements among the Khasas will join the movement. Their unified mass movement or a mass movement launched by an oppressed nationality including the Madhesis will gain unprecedented momentum. And, the Khas regime will collapse under its pressure. In both situations, the Khas ruling clique has no future. But, in the second course, Nepal has its future. Therefore, I believe, you and I should stand together for the second course. Let's stand for multiculturalism. Let's stand for federalism. Let's stand for autonomous governance mechanisms of the nationalities including the right to self-determination. And, let's denounce the brutality of the Khas regime including the killing of more than 24 people already, injuring thousands and adding fuel to fire that hurt the collectively glorious Nepali identity.
February 06, 2007
Saturday, January 27, 2007
Burning Madhesh, Bleeding Madhesis
- Govinda Neupane
What happened to Madhesis? Why they are bleeding? Why they are on the streets, particularly on the central and eastern part of Madhesh? Is this a new phenomenon or is it the continuation of something that has its roots in the past? Historically, Madhesh had been suffering from the oppression and suppression as an internal colony of the Khas rulers. The Gorkha Khas kings and their entire Khas brethren treated Madhesh as their private property. By extension, the feudal lords among the MongolKirats and Newars also sided with the Khas ruling clique. Hence, the Madheshis had been suffering for centuries under the brutal rule of the Khas kings.
Many politicians from non-Madhesi nationalities have been busy projecting the present movement called by Madhesi Janadhikar Forum as part of the exercise orchestrated by the regressive forces to create disturbances to block the election of the constituent assembly. There could be infiltration. Therefore, this could be true as a small part of the truth. But, the greater part of the truth is that the movement is for politico-economic equality, social justice and durable peace. Unfortunately, most of the politicians from the mainstream are queuing up to defame the Madhesi movement. Either they don't understand the social composition, or they are politically blind. They are ready to go any far to quell 'the destruction and anarchy'. It sounds that even they are ready to travel to the extent of breaking the country into pieces. The new leaders of the regime in Kathmandu have started to behave as new Khas feudal lords and are issuing similar decrees as once the infamous king was busy issuing. This all reveals the prejudiced views of the Khas leaders, Khas-dominated organizations, and their administration in Kathmandu.
The primary thrust of the Madhesi movement is simple to understand. They want to get rid of the past political arrangements based on the principles and practices of internal colonization. Now, they want Madhesi autonomous governance mechanism, federal system and proportional representation including in the election of the constituent assembly. Simply, they are asking for equitable power sharing. The Khas political masters and their so-called civil society brethren argue that these problems should be addressed by the constituent assembly. The simple logic here is that "we will get elected first through the election of non-proportional system based on existing constituencies. Submit your demands to us afterward." This is one of the most non-inclusive logic. This is nothing other than a ploy to continue the dominance of the Khas masters. Not only for the Madhesis, but also this logic could deny representation for other non-Khas nationalities including MangolKirat (Janajati), Dalit and Newar. Therefore, the Kirats in the east have started their agitation against the Khas arrangements. The other nationalities and regions could follow the paths shown by them.
The king is gone, but the king is breathing. This is the mystery of the Khas arrangement. The election of the constituent assembly will be held to design an inclusive system, but the Khas supremacy will be maintained. This is another mystery of the Khas arrangement. But, after the impact of the mass awakening through out the period of the Maoist movement, the oppressed nationalities have developed critical understanding of the socio-political and economic realities. It is too difficult to deceive them, now.
As a person of Khas origin myself, I argue that the Khas leaders, the parties and organizations dominated by Khas personalities and the Khas administration should start to understand the reality. The days of Khas domination, subjugation and oppression are over. Now, let's not be the part of problem; let's not be the party to disintegrate the country and let's not pretend that we and only we are Nepal. Let's contribute to build a new multicultural Nepal. The building process is not so complex. Let's agree to have a federal structure with autonomy to nationalities. Let's agree to have proportional representation and for this purpose let's have new demarcation of constituencies based upon the sole criteria of the size of the population. Let's repent for all the injustices we Khas have committed and our ancestors had committed. Let's offer our profound apology to all oppressed nationalities – be they Madhesi, Mangolkirat (janajati), Dalit or Newar and begin a healing process so as to build a new Nepal. If we will not accept the power sharing arrangement through the introduction of multiculturalism and federalism now, then the future political as well as social courses may create new arrangements that certainly would finish Khas supremacy through a communal and/or nationalities' upsurge. In that case, we the most stupid and stubborn Khasas should have to pay a heavy price. According to a Chinese saying "Hundred years ago it was the best time to begin and today is the next best time to start". Now, let's start the healing process. Simply but definitely the new rulers in Kathmandu should stop to bleed the Madheshis; the Madhesis certainly would stop to burn Madhesh, their own beloved homeland.
What happened to Madhesis? Why they are bleeding? Why they are on the streets, particularly on the central and eastern part of Madhesh? Is this a new phenomenon or is it the continuation of something that has its roots in the past? Historically, Madhesh had been suffering from the oppression and suppression as an internal colony of the Khas rulers. The Gorkha Khas kings and their entire Khas brethren treated Madhesh as their private property. By extension, the feudal lords among the MongolKirats and Newars also sided with the Khas ruling clique. Hence, the Madheshis had been suffering for centuries under the brutal rule of the Khas kings.
Many politicians from non-Madhesi nationalities have been busy projecting the present movement called by Madhesi Janadhikar Forum as part of the exercise orchestrated by the regressive forces to create disturbances to block the election of the constituent assembly. There could be infiltration. Therefore, this could be true as a small part of the truth. But, the greater part of the truth is that the movement is for politico-economic equality, social justice and durable peace. Unfortunately, most of the politicians from the mainstream are queuing up to defame the Madhesi movement. Either they don't understand the social composition, or they are politically blind. They are ready to go any far to quell 'the destruction and anarchy'. It sounds that even they are ready to travel to the extent of breaking the country into pieces. The new leaders of the regime in Kathmandu have started to behave as new Khas feudal lords and are issuing similar decrees as once the infamous king was busy issuing. This all reveals the prejudiced views of the Khas leaders, Khas-dominated organizations, and their administration in Kathmandu.
The primary thrust of the Madhesi movement is simple to understand. They want to get rid of the past political arrangements based on the principles and practices of internal colonization. Now, they want Madhesi autonomous governance mechanism, federal system and proportional representation including in the election of the constituent assembly. Simply, they are asking for equitable power sharing. The Khas political masters and their so-called civil society brethren argue that these problems should be addressed by the constituent assembly. The simple logic here is that "we will get elected first through the election of non-proportional system based on existing constituencies. Submit your demands to us afterward." This is one of the most non-inclusive logic. This is nothing other than a ploy to continue the dominance of the Khas masters. Not only for the Madhesis, but also this logic could deny representation for other non-Khas nationalities including MangolKirat (Janajati), Dalit and Newar. Therefore, the Kirats in the east have started their agitation against the Khas arrangements. The other nationalities and regions could follow the paths shown by them.
The king is gone, but the king is breathing. This is the mystery of the Khas arrangement. The election of the constituent assembly will be held to design an inclusive system, but the Khas supremacy will be maintained. This is another mystery of the Khas arrangement. But, after the impact of the mass awakening through out the period of the Maoist movement, the oppressed nationalities have developed critical understanding of the socio-political and economic realities. It is too difficult to deceive them, now.
As a person of Khas origin myself, I argue that the Khas leaders, the parties and organizations dominated by Khas personalities and the Khas administration should start to understand the reality. The days of Khas domination, subjugation and oppression are over. Now, let's not be the part of problem; let's not be the party to disintegrate the country and let's not pretend that we and only we are Nepal. Let's contribute to build a new multicultural Nepal. The building process is not so complex. Let's agree to have a federal structure with autonomy to nationalities. Let's agree to have proportional representation and for this purpose let's have new demarcation of constituencies based upon the sole criteria of the size of the population. Let's repent for all the injustices we Khas have committed and our ancestors had committed. Let's offer our profound apology to all oppressed nationalities – be they Madhesi, Mangolkirat (janajati), Dalit or Newar and begin a healing process so as to build a new Nepal. If we will not accept the power sharing arrangement through the introduction of multiculturalism and federalism now, then the future political as well as social courses may create new arrangements that certainly would finish Khas supremacy through a communal and/or nationalities' upsurge. In that case, we the most stupid and stubborn Khasas should have to pay a heavy price. According to a Chinese saying "Hundred years ago it was the best time to begin and today is the next best time to start". Now, let's start the healing process. Simply but definitely the new rulers in Kathmandu should stop to bleed the Madheshis; the Madhesis certainly would stop to burn Madhesh, their own beloved homeland.
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